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Argentina's glacier law has been in effect since 2010, and was the first legislation in Latin America to protect glaciers. It has been a point of contention for mining companies and provincial authorities ever since.The law bans 'any activity' that can affect the 'natural condition' of a glacier or the periglacial frozen land surrounding it, or that results in 'its destruction, movement or interferes with its advance'. That includes the construction of infrastructure not for scientific purposes and any industrial activity. Mining companies, including Barrick, have previously sought to have the law deemed unconstitutional, but the supreme court rejected the challenge.However, a recent reform to the glacier law driven by the far-right government of Javier Milei will relax restrictions, paving the way for mines in high-altitude areas blanketed with ice and snow, which are sources of water. The new law, approved on Wednesday by 137 votes to 111, with three abstentions, will enable provincial authorities to decide which glaciers are protected and which are open for development based on whether they represent a 'relevant water function'.Environmentalists and community members such as Zeballos, a 51-year-old accountant turned activist, have long alleged that Veladero, owned by Canada-based Barrick Mining Corporation and China's Shandong Gold, is operating illegally in an area considered off-limits by Argentina's Ley de Glaciares – or glacier law. The reform has sparked a wave of protests, with Greenpeace activists staging a demonstration on the steps of the National Congress.'What is at stake is the protection of key water reserves in Argentina,' says Andrés Nápoli, a lawyer and executive director of the Foundation of Environment and Natural Resources (Farn), an environmental and human rights NGO. 'Saying that you have to destroy glaciers to guarantee the energy transition is an oxymoron.'About 7 million people, 16% of the population in Argentina, live in areas that depend on glaciers, according to environmental organisations. Glaciers don't just feed rivers; they balance fragile ecosystems hit hard by a heating planet. In Argentina's northwest, scientists say they have shrunk by 17% in the past 10 years.

Britain’s recent reversal of the on‑shore wind ban, announced by Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, has set in motion a wave of proposals to install more than one hundred colossal turbines across the Cambrian Mountains of mid‑Wales. The Cambrians, a 500‑square‑mile stretch of moorland and high ground that remains the most extensive wilderness south of Scotland, could soon host turbines reaching 220–230 metres – roughly 50% taller than any existing on‑shore turbine in England and Wales and more than twice the height of Big Ben. Each turbine would sit on a 2,000‑tonne concrete foundation and require at least 100 tonnes of steel. The scheme also envisions over 200 km of new pylons to link the farms to the National Grid, alongside roads, repair bays and storage depots. Analysts note that the construction phase would generate a substantial carbon footprint, especially given the turbines’ relatively short operational life of 20–25 years. Environmental organisations, including the Wild Wales Trust and the Campaign for the Protection of Rural Wales, have rallied against the plans, warning that they would "degrade and industrialise huge areas of the uplands and valleys" and could encroach on Wales’s sole UNESCO biosphere reserve in the Dyfi valley. Local opposition is hampered by the region’s sparse population, but activists have been posting hand‑drawn notices on the Glaslyn uplands and highlighting the visual impact of proposed turbine clusters – for example, a hilltop site slated for 26 turbines that would dominate the skyline across the country, and a location dubbed “Artists Valley” that could be renamed after a row of 37 similar structures. Critics argue that Wales, which is moving toward renewable self‑sufficiency and already exports surplus power, does not need these installations for its own energy security. Instead, the turbines appear designed to feed the broader UK grid, echoing historic instances where Welsh resources were harnessed for the benefit of other regions, such as the 1960s water transfers to Liverpool. With the Cambrian Mountains lacking any national‑park protection – a status denied in the 1950s due to local farming opposition – the landscape remains vulnerable to large‑scale industrialisation. The proposed developments raise a fundamental question: should a politician’s ambition for renewable credentials outweigh the preservation of one of Britain’s most pristine natural areas?

Sue Day, the FA’s director of women’s football, defended a radical overhaul of the women’s lower‑league structure, asserting that the sport is at a crucial turning point. The proposal, first reported by The Guardian, would see four Women’s Super League academy sides compete in the third tier of the Women’s National League starting in the 2027‑28 season. The reform package also includes a mid‑season split for tier three, an expanded loan system, additional relegation places and new playoffs in tier four, and a £1 million financial boost aimed at supporting clubs during the transition. FA officials argue the move is needed because the share of England‑qualified players in the WSL has fallen dramatically, dropping from roughly two‑thirds in 2017‑18 to just over a quarter this season. Sonia Bompastor, Chelsea’s manager, warned that the gap between academy football and the top flight is widening, citing her experience in Lyon where academy graduates regularly contributed at senior level. Critics in the third tier are skeptical. Daniel McNamara, head coach of Wolves Women, questioned on X whether the league’s purpose is to chase promotion or to serve as a development platform for elite WSL players. Several other third‑tier coaches have voiced strong opposition, fearing the integration of academy teams could dilute competition. Day emphasized that the proposals aim to “future‑proof” the women’s game by increasing meaningful competitive minutes for young English players and strengthening the national team pipeline. She added that no final decisions have been made; the FA is still consulting stakeholders and will consider feedback before any vote. The FA hopes to ratify the changes this summer, with implementation slated for the 2027‑28 season and a two‑year review built into the plan to assess whether the objectives are being met.

York City, affectionately known as the Minstermen, are on the cusp of achieving a significant milestone in their football history. With 101 points on the board and an impressive 109 goals scored, they are firmly in the sights of a Football League return, a decade after their relegation.Their journey to this point has not been without its challenges. A near miss last season served as a catalyst for the current campaign, which has seen them dominate the National League. A recent last-gasp win against Altrincham has put them two points clear of Rochdale at the top of the league with three games to play. The tantalizing prospect of a final-day shootout for the one automatic promotion spot against Rochdale on April 25 has their fans on the edge of their seats.Despite their attacking prowess, York's run-in has required a different skillset, with their past three games delivering narrow wins: 2-1, 1-0, and 1-0. The team's resilience and determination are evident in the words of defender Malachi Fagan-Walcott, whose 96th-minute header clinched the recent victory. He emphasized the team's never-say-die attitude, stating, 'We never stop until the final whistle.'As the pressure mounts, York's manager, Stuart Maynard, insists that the team's approach has not changed, but acknowledges that opponents are now more focused on stopping them. The upcoming match against Tamworth on Saturday will be a crucial test of their resolve.The heartbreak of last season's failure to secure promotion has driven the team forward, with Fagan-Walcott highlighting the learning curve and the team's newfound robustness. The majority owners, Julie-Anne and Matthew Uggla, have played a pivotal role in turbocharging the club's fortunes, investing in both the team and the city.York's captain, Ollie Pearce, has been instrumental in their success, top-scoring with 32 National League goals and providing nine assists. With York just eight goals shy of eclipsing the National League scoring record for a single season, their fans are eagerly anticipating what could be a historic moment for the club.

The European Parliament's decision to block the extension of a law that permits big tech firms to scan for child sexual exploitation on their platforms has created a legal gap that child safety experts say will lead to crimes going undetected. The law, which was a temporary measure allowing companies to use automated detection technologies to scan messages for harms, including child sexual abuse material (CSAM), grooming, and sextortion, expired on April 3.Google, Meta, Snap, and Microsoft have expressed disappointment over the EU's decision, stating that they will continue to voluntarily scan their platforms for CSAM. In a joint statement posted on a Google blog, the companies said, 'We are disappointed by this irresponsible failure to reach an agreement to maintain established efforts to protect children online.'Child protection advocates had warned that allowing the legislation to lapse would probably trigger a steep fall in reports of child sexual abuse. They point to a similar legal gap that occurred in 2021, when reports of such material from EU-based accounts to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC) fell by 58% over a period of 18 weeks.The EU's decision to prohibit scanning will have ripple effects in other regions around the world, child safety experts said. Many internet crimes are cross-border, with perpetrators sending illegal images to people or targeting children in other countries. 'The offender can be anywhere in the world, but they could have unfettered access to minors in Europe now that there's legal uncertainty around those safeguards and protections to identify when a child is being groomed,' said John Shehan, vice-president at NCMEC.In 2025, NCMEC received 21.3m reports that included more than 61.8m images, videos, and other files suspected of being related to child abuse, from around the world. About 90% of these reports are related to countries outside the US.

Thousands of Iranians have gathered nationwide to honour the memory of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who governed the nation for nearly 40 years until his death in recent US-Israeli strikes that sparked the latest Middle East conflict.The national tribute commenced at 9:40am (06:10 GMT), the exact time Ali Khamenei was killed on February 28 at his Tehran residence, along with several other senior Iranian officials.State television broadcast footage showing thousands participating in memorial rallies across Iran on Thursday, with many carrying portraits of the late leader in cities including Urmia in the northwest, Gorgan in the northeast, and the capital Tehran.His successor, son Mojtaba Khamenei, has remained out of public view since before the war began, and was not expected to attend the nationwide commemorative events held Thursday.The attack initiated the Middle East conflict that has since engulfed the region, with Iran responding by targeting US assets and allies across the Gulf and launching strikes against Israel.Due to the ongoing war, a formal state funeral for the late supreme leader has yet to be held.

Afan Cizmic, a 14-year-old ball boy, has been hailed as a hero in Bosnia and Herzegovina for his quick thinking during a crucial FIFA World Cup 2026 qualifier playoff final against Italy.On March 31, Cizmic was deployed at the Bilino Polje Stadium in Zenica when he noticed Italian goalkeeper Gianluigi Donnarumma reading from a piece of paper tucked behind a towel. Realising it contained information on Bosnian penalty takers, Cizmic took the note and ran away from the goal.When the penalty shootout got under way, Donnarumma failed to save any of the four penalties he faced, and his teammates missed three of theirs, handing Bosnia a place in the global showpiece.Whether Cizmic's little trick played a role in the final scoreline remains unknown, but the teenage boy is being hailed as a hero in Bosnia, with fans urging the national team to take him along to the World Cup.Cizmic has been called on to football shows, interviewed by international media, and photographed at the venue where Bosnia created history by ensuring Italy became the only former champions to miss their third World Cup in a row.Recalling the moment he saw the paper, Cizmic says that he hesitated at first but ultimately decided to act on his instinct. "I saw where he left the paper and that he was reading from it. I thought about whether I should take it or not. Then I said, 'Whatever happens, happens,' and I took it," he told Turkish news agency Anadolu.While Donnarumma did not see Cizmic walk away, the Italian goalkeeper was left fuming when he could not find the paper and attempted to snatch his opposite number's penalty shootout notes in a tit-for-tat move.Cizmic believes Donnarumma's frustration confirmed his ploy had an impact on the game. "I was happy because I saw he got angry and lost concentration," he said.In the hours and days after Bosnia's win, Cizmic's act led to social media debates as well as national news. Despite mixed reactions on social media, he dismissed criticism, saying any fan would have done the same."If we were playing in Italy, someone would have done it to our goalkeeper, Nikola Vasilj, too," he said.The now-famous ball boy proudly carries the note, enclosed in a plastic cover, as a memorabilia item and takes it along for media appearances. He also announced that the paper will be auctioned, with all proceeds going to charity.Cizmic, who is a youth footballer with local club Celik Zenica, dreams of wearing the Bosnian national team jersey one day.His father, Emir Cizmic, said he was proud of his son, emphasising that ball boys are not just spectators but can affect the rhythm and outcome of matches.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Eritrea's hopes of participating in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) have been thrown into doubt after seven local footballers disappeared in South Africa following their team's victory over Eswatini last month.The players were part of a 24-member squad that participated in the qualifying tie, with only 10 being locally-based players. Of these, only three returned to Eritrea, while the whereabouts of the other seven remain unknown.The incident occurred when the national team arrived in South Africa en route from Eswatini to Eritrea via Egypt. A Confederation of African Football (CAF) official told the AFP news agency that the disappearance is a mystery and that no one seems certain what happened to the players thereafter.Eritrea's coach, Hesham Yakan, had chosen 24 players, including 14 based abroad, for the two-leg preliminary qualifier against Eswatini. The team's victory over Eswatini proved a surprise success, considering they had not played an international match for six years.The disappearance of the players has raised concerns about the country's football future and the well-being of its players. Indefinite military service after completing schooling is cited as the main reason for the defections from the East African country.Eritrea has been governed by President Isaias Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, and human rights groups consistently describe his rule as “highly repressive”.The incident has also highlighted the dire situation in Eritrea, with George Ghebreslassie, an Eritrean exile, saying that “it shows the kind of situation we have in Eritrea. We thought things would change, but nothing has changed”.