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Real Mallorca delivered a stunning upset to Real Madrid, winning 2‑1 thanks to an added‑time strike from Vedat Muriqi. The victory pushes the champions to four points behind Barcelona ahead of their upcoming clash with Atlético Madrid.The match began with Mallorca absorbing early pressure; goalkeeper Leo Román denied Kylian Mbappé twice with diving saves. Mallorca took the lead in the 42nd minute when Manu Morlanes headed home a cross from Pablo Maffeo.Real responded late, with Éder Militão—returning from a hamstring injury—equalising in the 88th minute. Just three minutes later, Muriqi, the league’s second‑highest scorer behind Mbappé, netted the winner, marking Mallorca’s first triumph over Real in three years and lifting them two points above the relegation zone.Muriqi, who had faced criticism after Kosovo’s World Cup qualifying loss, broke down in tears after the final whistle, saying, "Sometimes emotions get the better of you… I’m just happy to repay the supporters, we want to stay in this division for them."In Germany, Bayern Munich staged a dramatic comeback, scoring three goals in the final nine minutes to edge Freiburg 3‑2. Tom Bischof equalised, and Lennart Karl clinched the winner in stoppage time, despite the absence of injured striker Harry Kane. Bayern now travel to Real Madrid for their Champions League quarter‑final first leg.Freiburg had opened the scoring early in the second half with a long‑range strike from Johan Manzambi, and later doubled the lead via a Lucas Hoeler volley after a corner error by Manuel Neuer. However, Bayern’s late surge erased the deficit.Meanwhile, Borussia Dortmund secured a 2‑0 away win at VfB Stuttgart with late goals from Karim Adeyemi and Julian Brandt. The victory keeps Dortmund in second place on 64 points, nine behind Bayern, while Stuttgart slips to fourth.In Italy, Massimiliano Allegri of AC Milan reiterated his focus on the club, dismissing any immediate interest in the vacant Italy national team manager role after Gennaro Gattuso stepped down following a World Cup playoff defeat.

Even before the season began, the fixture list hinted that March would become a turning point for Newcastle United. A run to the Champions League quarter‑finals and a victory in the Tyne‑Wear derby could have silenced many critics, while a third Carabao Cup final would have forced the derby’s postponement. In the Champions League round‑of‑16, Newcastle appeared stronger at home against Barcelona, only to be undone by a late penalty. The away leg saw them threaten early on, but a second‑half collapse resulted in a 7‑2 defeat, widening the perceived gap between the sides. The derby itself illustrated the team’s frailties. Newcastle led at halftime and struck the post, yet they finished with the fifth‑worst second‑half record in the Premier League. Sunderland equalised through Brian Brobbey, fed by a simple Granit Xhaka pass, exploiting the space that Newcastle’s midfield surrendered late in the game. These setbacks have sparked serious speculation about manager Eddie Howe’s future. Chief executive David Hopkinson offered no clear endorsement, stating only that “we’ll talk about the future when it’s time,” a comment that many interpreted as a warning. Howe arrived in November 2021, a month after the Saudi‑led acquisition of the club, and quickly guided Newcastle into the modern era: two Champions League qualifications, a historic Carabao Cup triumph – the first domestic trophy in 70 years – and a generally steady league performance. Until last season, there was little talk of his dismissal. However, the current crisis is less about tactics than about recruitment. With no sporting director, Howe’s nephew Andy Howe and scout Steve Nickson oversaw most signings last summer, a structure that has drawn criticism. The sale of Alexander Isak to Liverpool was widely regarded as mishandled. The club allowed the protracted saga to dominate the window, missing an opportunity to maximise the fee and reinvest in squad depth, or to negotiate a swap that could have brought Hugo Ekitiké to Newcastle. Summer acquisitions have added little stability. While Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento are rumored to be on their way out, Yoane Wissa suffered an early injury and new signing Nick Woltemade arrived without a clear role. Of the incoming players, only Malick Thiaw has made a noticeable impact. Consequently, the squad lacks the depth required for simultaneous Champions League commitments, a Carabao Cup semi‑final run, and a fifth‑round FA Cup tie. The fatigue evident in many second‑half performances is therefore unsurprising. Underlying these on‑field issues are broader structural problems. Dan Ashworth’s departure for Manchester United left a void that successor Paul Mitchell could not fill; his exit after clashes with ownership – and reportedly with Howe over player conditioning – created a leadership vacuum. Ross Wilson, appointed sporting director in October with Howe’s blessing, now faces the daunting task of rebuilding a fragmented recruitment process. Financial pressures add another layer of complexity. The recent sale of the stadium to a club subsidiary, coupled with a looming UEFA fine for 2025, has strained resources. While the Champions League revenue and the Isak transfer may alleviate some of the strain, the shift to an “unanchored” squad‑cost ratio favours owners with deep pockets, leaving the club’s commitment from the Public Investment Fund uncertain amid broader Saudi retrenchment. Notably, discussions of a new stadium have been absent for almost a year. Hopkinson’s description of Newcastle as a “trading club” appears realistic, yet his remarks also hint at an upcoming exodus of players such as Tonali, Gordon and Livramento. Even if the broader economic climate softens, the likely absence of Champions League football next season could further limit Newcastle’s ability to attract top talent. Ultimately, the core issue is governance. While Howe’s tactical acumen may improve without the demands of European competition, the club’s ambition to become a modern, well‑structured organisation may require a change in leadership. His departure could be the catalyst needed for a comprehensive cultural and structural overhaul.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

More than 100 United States‑based international law scholars have signed an open letter denouncing the recent US‑Israeli strikes on Iran as a violation of the United Nations Charter and potentially amounting to war crimes. The letter, released on Thursday, asserts that the campaign – launched on February 28 – proceeded without UN Security Council authorization and without credible evidence of an imminent Iranian threat. According to the scholars, the legal basis for force against another state exists only in self‑defence against an actual or imminent armed attack, or when expressly sanctioned by the Security Council. Iran has not attacked the United States or Israel, and the Security Council did not approve the operation. The experts organize their concerns into four categories: the legality of the war decision, the conduct of hostilities, threatening rhetoric from senior officials, and what they describe as the dismantling of civilian‑protection safeguards within the US defence establishment under Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s “gloves‑off” approach. Among the most alarming incidents highlighted is the strike on a primary school in Minab, Iran on the first day of the conflict, which killed at least 175 people, the majority of them children. The letter also cites attacks on hospitals, water treatment facilities, and energy infrastructure, emphasizing that schools, health facilities, and homes have been targeted. The signatories condemn public statements by senior US officials, including a mid‑March remark by former President Donald Trump that the United States might strike Iran “just for fun,” and early‑March comments from Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth dismissing “stupid rules of engagement.” They argue that such rhetoric reflects an “alarming disrespect” for international humanitarian law, which is designed to protect civilians and combatants alike. Financially, the letter notes that the war is costing US taxpayers up to $2 billion per day, underscoring the broader economic burden of the conflict. The open letter was co‑authored by prominent legal scholars such as Yale Law School’s Oona Hathaway, former State Department legal adviser Harold Koh, NYU’s Philip Alston, and former Human Rights Watch chief Kenneth Roth. While the authors focus on the United States’ conduct, they warn of a heightened risk of atrocities throughout the region. Emphasizing the need for consistent application of international law, the scholars write: “We urge US government officials to uphold the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, and human rights law at all times, and to publicly make clear US commitment to and respect for norms of international law.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth instructed Army Chief of Staff General Randy A. George to step down with immediate effect, a move announced on X by Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell on Thursday. The statement said George would "retire from his position" but offered no explanation, a notable omission given the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran.The abrupt removal adds to a string of high‑profile dismissals that have occurred since Hegseth assumed office in January. CBS first reported the decision, citing a source who said Hegseth seeks a leader who will execute his and President Donald Trump's strategic vision for the Army.Appointed in 2023 under former President Joe Biden, the 61‑year‑old General George brought extensive combat experience from Iraq and Afghanistan. During his tenure he was praised for cutting redundancies and championing new technologies such as low‑cost missile‑interceptor drones and artificial‑intelligence‑driven targeting systems.According to The New York Times, the firing may be tied to a dispute over Hegseth’s decision to block the promotion of four officers from a list of 29. While most of the blocked officers were white men, the two remaining were Black and two were women, prompting senior officers to question whether racial or gender bias influenced the action. When General George sought a meeting with Hegseth to discuss the matter, the defense secretary reportedly refused.In addition to George, Hegseth dismissed two other senior officials on Thursday: General David M. Hodne, head of the Army’s Transformation and Training Command responsible for modernization efforts, and Major General William Green Jr., the Army’s chief of chaplains. The Pentagon has not formally confirmed these removals, though the Joint Chiefs of Staff issued a tribute praising George’s decades of service.The personnel shake‑up unfolds against a broader backdrop in which US and Israeli officials have framed the Iran war as a religious undertaking. The Military Religious Freedom Foundation reported receiving complaints that senior commanders described the conflict as aiming to bring about “Armageddon” or the biblical “end times.”Earlier, in October, former Army Vice Chief of Staff General James J. Mingus retired a year ahead of schedule, with no reasons disclosed, adding to speculation about internal turbulence within the Pentagon.

President Donald Trump announced on Truth Social that Pam Bondi is being removed as Attorney General, ending a contentious 14‑month stint at the Justice Department. Bondi, who described her upcoming shift to the private sector as a "transition," will leave the post within the next month. In a rapid reshuffle, Trump elevated Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche—who previously served as the former president’s criminal‑defense lawyer—to acting attorney general. The president also hinted that EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin could become the permanent replacement, signaling a continued preference for close allies in key legal roles. Bondi’s ouster follows a series of high‑profile controversies. Most notably, her management of the Jeffrey Epstein files drew intense scrutiny. After promising full transparency, the Justice Department released heavily redacted documents that failed to satisfy public and congressional demands for a "client list" and other evidence. Critics, including victims’ attorney Gloria Allred, called her departure "long overdue" for mishandling the files. Beyond the Epstein saga, Bondi struggled to deliver the political prosecutions Trump expected. Efforts to pursue former FBI Director James Comey and other officials linked to investigations of the president stalled or collapsed, fueling Trump’s frustration that she was not "weaponising" the department aggressively enough against his perceived enemies. Bondi, a former Florida attorney general and the state’s first female AG, built a reputation on tough‑on‑crime initiatives such as combating human trafficking and cracking down on "pill mills." However, her limited involvement in the original Epstein non‑prosecution deal and her heated exchange with a Democratic lawmaker—where she called him a "washed‑up loser"—further eroded confidence in her leadership. The White House confirmed that Bondi’s private‑sector role will be announced "in the near future," while Blanche issued a statement on X thanking Trump for the trust placed in him and pledging to "continue backing the blue, enforcing the law, and keeping America safe." Congressional oversight intensifies as the House Oversight Committee had scheduled Bondi to appear before it on April 14 to answer questions about the Epstein documents. With her exit, committee chair James Comer said Republicans would deliberate whether to pursue the subpoena, while Democrats, led by Robert Garcia, insist she "will not escape accountability." Reactions span the political spectrum: Democrats such as Senator Elizabeth Warren denounced the DOJ under Bondi as a "cesspool of corruption," whereas Republican Senator Chuck Grassley praised her responsiveness to oversight and noted a decline in violent crime during her tenure. Republican Thomas Massie urged the next AG to release all Epstein files and pursue arrests. As the administration searches for a permanent attorney general, the choice between Blanche and Zeldin will signal how closely Trump intends to align the Justice Department with his political agenda moving forward.

The 70‑year‑old grandson of H. B. Reese, the man who created Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups, has publicly accused the $42 billion Hershey Company of quietly swapping the original milk‑chocolate and peanut‑butter formulas for cheaper compound coatings and “peanut‑butter‑style crèmes.”Brad Reese’s complaint, first aired on LinkedIn on Valentine’s Day, claims the confectionery giant has been “rewriting recipes” across flagship brands, a practice he describes as an “ingredient drift” that undermines both brand integrity and shareholder value.At a recent investor conference, Hershey announced it would restore the classic recipes for roughly 3 % of select products by next year, while insisting that the iconic Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups have never been altered.Chief Growth Officer Stacy Taffet explained that the company is “transitioning our sweets portfolio to colors from natural sources” and is committed to aligning all Hershey and Reese’s offerings with their historic milk‑ and dark‑chocolate formulas.Reese, however, dismissed the move as a “board‑level accountability problem,” arguing that the delayed rollout has already prompted shareholders to sell stock and that “your consumers are revolting.”In an interview with the New York Times, Reese labeled Hershey’s actions a “PR stunt,” insisting that a genuine commitment would mean an immediate return to the original recipes.Hershey counters that the recipe revisions are not a reaction to Reese’s criticism but stem from a strategic decision made after a 25 % increase in research and development spending aimed at talent, technology, and nutrition science.The dispute has taken on a personal dimension for Reese, who alleges the changes began after Hershey acquired the Reese’s brand in the 1960s. He recounts a recent taste test of Reese’s Unwrapped Chocolate Peanut Butter Creme Mini Hearts, stating, “I had to spit it out—it wasn’t real milk chocolate or real peanut butter.”Reese’s family, speaking to USA Today, clarified that his statements are his own and do not reflect the family’s view, adding that they continue to respect Hershey’s leadership and believe H. B. Reese would be proud of the brand’s current stewardship.Undeterred, Brad Reese retorted on LinkedIn that Hershey is “shooting the messenger,” accusing the company of managing perception rather than fixing the alleged product issues and warning that “the evidence chain isn’t going away.”

A federal judge has dismissed 10 out of 13 claims made by Blake Lively against director Justin Baldoni, including allegations of sexual harassment, conspiracy, and defamation. The lawsuit, which centers around the filming of 'It Ends With Us,' a domestic abuse drama where Lively and Baldoni starred as characters with intimate scenes, will proceed to trial next month on claims of a retaliatory campaign against Lively.Baldoni's lawyer, Bryan Freedman, described the defendants as 'very good people who have not engaged in this sexual harassment as alleged.' He expressed satisfaction with the court's ruling, stating it confirms what his legal team believed from the start.The judge's 152-page opinion emphasized that Lively's claims must be viewed in the context of the film's production, noting that creative artists need space to experiment within scripted scenes without fear of liability for sexual harassment. The court also determined Lively was working as an independent contractor, not an employee, which impacted her ability to bring sexual harassment claims.Lively's attorney, Mike Gottlieb, responded that the ruling was based on 'legal technicalities' and not an endorsement of the defendants' conduct. A trial is scheduled for May 18.

The 2026 County Championship kicked off on Good Friday, 3 April – the earliest start in the tournament’s 140‑year history. Surrey’s captain Rory Burns was run out just ten minutes into the day’s play at Edgbaston, setting a new record for the competition’s earliest dismissal. Despite a modest crowd of around 800 spectators and roughly 4,000 viewers on YouTube, the match featured a heavyweight lineup: nine current England Test players were named in the Division One clash, underscoring the Championship’s status as the premier development arena for the national side. Surrey’s top six have all earned England caps, fueling expectations that the club could secure a fourth title in five seasons. Yet the opening session was anything but smooth. Burns fell early, followed by Jamie Smith, who managed only nine runs before being dismissed. A sharp edge from Ethan Bamber and an lbw to Ollie Pope (20) further rattled the home side. Dom Sibley provided a glimmer of resistance with an unbeaten 21 off 81 balls, but the team slumped to a precarious 65 for six. The turning point arrived when Ben Foakes and fast‑bowling all‑rounder Tom Lawes combined for a 155‑run partnership – a Surrey club record for the seventh wicket. Foakes, a seasoned England fringe player, smashed a commanding 128 runs, while Lawes contributed a career‑best 83 off 121 balls, stabilising the innings and shifting momentum. Chris Woakes and medium‑fast seamer Ethan Bamber added valuable overs, but it was the Foakes‑Lawes stand that propelled Surrey to a total of 328 all out, setting a competitive target for Warwickshire. While the season’s early start may raise logistical questions, the match demonstrated why the County Championship remains the crucible for England’s future stars, blending veteran internationals with emerging talent in a fiercely contested opening day.