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Libya has taken a significant step towards economic stability with the approval of its first unified budget in over a decade. The Central Bank of Libya confirmed that both the eastern-based House of Representatives (HoR) and the Tripoli-based High Council of State have endorsed the budget. This development is seen as a rare moment of cooperation in a country divided by conflict since the 2014 civil war. The unified budget was signed in the capital, Tripoli, where the internationally recognized Government of National Unity is based under Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah. Governor Naji Issa described the agreement as a 'clear declaration that Libya is capable of overcoming its differences when a unified vision for its future is forged.' Libya has remained split since the 2014 civil war, which created rival administrations in the east and west. The last time the country operated under a single national budget was in 2013. The deal brings together institutions that have long competed for authority, with representatives from both sides signing the agreement. Despite this breakthrough, political divisions remain entrenched. In the east, forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar maintain control over large parts of the country, including key oil-producing regions. The timing of the agreement is significant, given Libya's growing importance in global energy markets. Demand for its crude has increased amid disruptions linked to the Israel-US war on Iran and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Libya's geographic position offers a critical advantage, as oil shipments from its ports reach European refineries quickly and avoid the risks associated with Gulf routes. Its light, sweet crude also meets the needs of European refiners facing ongoing supply challenges. This development signals a shift towards more formal cooperation, even as Libya's political fragmentation persists.

The quiet evening in the Israeli kibbutz of Cabri, just five miles from the Lebanon border, was shattered by the sound of air raid sirens. The residents, including the Moria family, rushed to a reinforced safe room as Iron Dome interceptors were launched to counter incoming rockets from Hezbollah.The ceasefire-defying attack by Israel that killed over 300 people in Lebanon has reignited the conflict. Despite hopes that the Iran ceasefire might bring an end to Hezbollah's rocket fire, the situation remains fragile. 1,164 rockets have been fired into Israel since March 2, at a rate of about 30 a day, according to the Alma Center thinktank.Residents of Cabri describe a life of constant risk management, with every decision to leave home, work in the fields, or walk a dog influenced by the threat of attack. The conflict has resulted in over 1,700 recorded deaths in Lebanon since early March, with a smaller but significant number of civilian casualties in Israel.Moshe Davidovich, chief of the local Mate Asher Regional Council, supports Israel's continued war in Lebanon, citing the need to counter Hezbollah's threats. In contrast, Amir Yarchi, a kibbutz resident, argues that a military solution is unrealistic and could lead to an endless war.The situation highlights the complexity of achieving peace in the region, with international engagement and support for the Lebanese government seen as potential pathways to stability. However, with 79% of Israelis supporting continued strikes into Lebanon, finding a lasting solution remains a significant challenge.

The US State Department has taken a significant step in its ongoing efforts to crack down on individuals with ties to the Iranian regime, revoking the green cards of three Iranian nationals. This move comes as part of a broader strategy to prevent foreign nationals with connections to anti-American terrorist regimes from residing in the United States. The individuals affected include Seyed Eissa Hashemi, whose mother was a key figure in the 1979 Iran hostage crisis, known as 'Screaming Mary' for her role as a leading propagandist for the violent Islamists. The State Department also revoked the green card statuses of Hashemi's wife and son. According to the department, Hashemi entered the US in 2014 on a visa and was granted lawful permanent resident status in 2016 through the diversity immigrant visa program, which the Trump administration has since ended. The arrests and green card terminations are part of a series of actions against those the State Department deems to have ties to the current or former government of Iran. This is particularly significant given the ongoing tensions between the US, Israel, and Iran, with Washington DC and Tehran recently reaching a two-week ceasefire agreement. The US has been waging war against Iran since late February, and these actions are seen as part of the US efforts to counter Iranian influence. Recent actions also include the arrest of Hamideh Soleimani Afshar, the niece of Qasem Soleimani, an Iranian military general assassinated by the US in 2020, and her daughter. The State Department has also revoked the green card status of Fatemeh Ardeshir-Larijani, the daughter of former Iranian national security council secretary Ali Larijani, and her husband. The situation remains complex, with US Vice-President JD Vance dispatched to Islamabad to broker peace talks, though Iranian leadership has stated they will not participate until Israel agrees to stop bombing Lebanon. The international community remains watchful as diplomatic efforts continue to navigate the intricate landscape of US-Iran relations.

Oppdal, a mountain village in central Norway, hosted its first interspecies council on a snowy morning at the Bjerkeløkkja conference centre. Thirty‑eight local participants each represented a different species – from a northern bat to a birch tree – and voiced the needs of the natural world in a structured decision‑making process.The council draws on the legacy of the Council of All Beings, a practice created in the 1980s by environmentalists John Seed and Joanna Macy. Phoebe Tickell, a scientist and “moral imagination” activist mentored by Macy, adapted the ritual into a governance methodology that expands representation beyond humans.Facilitators first identified the multispecies stakeholders in the region, then briefed human representatives – chosen either randomly or for expertise – on the perspectives they would embody. The session concluded with a manifesto of principles for human governance and an impact‑evaluation plan to track participants’ connection to nature six months later.Oppdal’s mayor, Elisabeth Hals, noted that the village’s population swells from 5,000 to over 30,000 in winter as tourists flock to private cabins (hytter). The municipality plans to add 1,000 new apartments by 2035 to promote year‑round tourism, a move that has sparked debate over land use, farming, and conservation.During the council, a birch “worried there’s too much of me,” while a rockfoil flower urged humans to “slow down and listen to where nature can tolerate more activity.” The River Driva lamented being treated as a mere resource, and a fox enthusiastically pointed at a wader, highlighting the emotional range the exercise seeks to capture.Proponents argue that such empathy‑building exercises are crucial as wildlife populations have fallen by roughly 70 % over the past 50 years. Tickell contends that “imperfect representation beats exclusion” and envisions interspecies councils becoming as routine as environmental impact assessments.Across the UK, 13 councils have recognised river rights since 2023, and a coalition of artists, ecologists, lawyers and policymakers is exploring similar biodiversity governance around the North Sea. In London, multispecies assemblies have already informed stewardship of the River Roding and land‑use consultations.Oppdal’s experiment aims to create “institutional trace” – genuine decision‑making power backed by robust methodology and longitudinal research – rather than a tokenistic green‑washing exercise. If successful, the model could be replicated internationally, giving non‑human nature a formal seat at the policy table.

The play Good Golly Miss Molly! is a joyous tribute to community spirit, set in the 1970s in Tunstall, where residents resisted a council plan to demolish their houses. The show, written by Bob Eaton, uses rock'n'roll standards to tell the story of a community coming together.Eaton's show has taken a hold of the audience, with its insinuatingly woven narrative of social history, pop, and politics. The story revolves around the residents of Hawes Street, who fought against the council's slum clearance programme and successfully argued for home improvements instead.The director cleverly uses music as the glue that binds the community together, telling the story through a band reuniting for a nostalgic knees-up in a social club. The play's protagonist, Molly, played by Shirley Darroch, evolves from a belligerent schoolgirl to a lead singer, NUM staffer, and residents' association chair, finding self-fulfilment along the way.The company's performance is tremendous, with doo-wopping, harmonising, and swapping instruments, making the angst and yearning of the songs a perfect expression of the working-class struggle.While the conflict could be more fully explored, the play gives a joyful sense of the music pulling the audience into the action, providing an exuberant lift to the company's 40th anniversary season.The play is showing at the New Vic theatre, Newcastle-under-Lyme, until 2 May.

European airports have issued an urgent warning that jet fuel shortages could materialise within the next three weeks if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed.Airports Council International (ACI) Europe addressed a letter to EU transport commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas, stating the bloc is only three weeks away from a systemic shortage.The threat is linked to the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran, which has effectively shut the strait—a key shipping lane for Gulf oil exports—pushing Brent crude to around $96 per barrel, up from roughly $72 before the hostilities.ACI warned that without a stable resumption of traffic through Hormuz within three weeks, a “systemic jet fuel shortage is set to become a reality for the EU.”Jet‑fuel prices have more than doubled year‑on‑year, reaching $1,650 per tonne according to IATA data. Europe’s price surge stands at 138%, while Asia has seen a 163% increase.Ryanair chief Michael O’Leary highlighted that the United Kingdom, heavily dependent on Kuwaiti supplies, is the most vulnerable market in Europe.Shipping data from Vortexa shows the last Gulf‑origin jet fuel cargo for Europe is due in Copenhagen tomorrow, following a partial delivery to Rotterdam earlier this week. The final tanker bound for the UK arrived in Kent on Tuesday.More than 60% of Europe’s jet fuel traditionally comes from Gulf refineries, with over 40% shipped via the Hormuz corridor. The blockade forces European buyers into direct competition with Asian carriers for alternative cargoes.Australian investment bank Macquarie notes that jet fuel lacks the pipeline alternatives available to crude oil, making the market especially vulnerable. Even if shipments resume, the refined‑product market could take two to three months to normalise, lagging behind crude markets.Airlines have already begun trimming schedules and raising fares, a trend that will feed into broader inflationary pressures. A genuine shortage could force travelers and businesses to postpone trips and shipments, deepening economic damage.ACI called for proactive EU monitoring and action, warning that the peak summer travel season—critical to many economies—could be hit hard if fuel supplies falter.IATA director‑general Willie Walsh cautioned that even with the strait reopened, restoring adequate supply will take months due to disrupted refining capacity in the Middle East. IATA had previously projected a 4.9% year‑on‑year growth in passenger traffic for 2026.

While holiday‑makers flocked to Lancashire’s coast for fresh sea air, residents of the former fishing port of Fleetwood were forced to endure a persistent, noxious odor emanating from the reopened Jameson Road landfill.The stench, identified as hydrogen sulphide – a toxic gas with a characteristic rotten‑egg smell – has been linked to the landfill’s re‑activation by recycling firm Transwaste in late 2023 after a five‑year closure.Local authorities report that the Environment Agency (EA) has received more than 20,000 complaints since the site reopened, including 6,000 complaints in the last six weeks alone. In the two‑year period ending January, the EA recorded 74 compliance breaches at the site, a third of which were classified as “significant”.Health impacts are mounting. Residents describe symptoms ranging from retching and vomiting to nosebleeds, headaches, itchy eyes and aggravated respiratory conditions such as asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). One resident, retired teacher Donna Davidson, reports that the smell has penetrated her home at night, describing it as “people are getting gassed in their beds”.Children are also affected; Dave McPartlin, headteacher of nearby Flakefleet Primary School, says pupils are refusing to play outside because the odor “lingers” even on sunny days. A family staying in an autism‑friendly caravan described their child’s severe nausea, calling the experience “hell”.Medical professionals are sounding the alarm. Dr. Barbara Kneale, a GP and occupational‑medicine consultant living a mile from the landfill, says the community feels “treated with contempt” by public agencies and is gathering detailed hydrogen sulphide readings to bolster a campaign for permanent closure.Local political pressure is intensifying. MP Lorraine Beavers used parliamentary privilege to label Transwaste “crooks” evading accountability, pledging to fight until the site is shut down. In response, Transwaste denied the allegations, insisting it complies with all regulations and attributing odour issues to the site’s re‑opening process.Wyre Borough Council, the landfill’s landlord, warned that legal action would only proceed if residents provide detailed diaries and allow council officers to witness the odour inside homes.Community activism has grown, with over 100 locals staging a slow march to the landfill, many using walking frames and face masks. Campaigners, including Davidson and Kneale, are also tracking the origins of waste trucks, which have been traced to locations as far as Dover, Dunfermline and Hull.The EA has pledged further enforcement, stating that “the community should not have to tolerate odours that affect their environment” and that it is pressing the operator to install permanent capping to prevent future emissions.As Fleetwood grapples with what residents call an “abomination”, the dispute highlights broader concerns about landfill management, air‑quality standards and the disproportionate impact on deprived communities with already high rates of respiratory illness.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

The strategic Strait of Hormuz, linking the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, has become the focal point of the Israel‑U.S. war on Iran that began in February. In peacetime the narrow waterway handled about 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments without any tolls, but the conflict has turned it into a contested zone. After a series of Israeli and U.S. strikes, Iran retaliated by targeting merchant vessels it deemed hostile, effectively shutting the passage and triggering one of the most severe energy‑distribution crises in recent memory. While a two‑week ceasefire, brokered by Pakistan, was declared on Tuesday, Tehran has issued a set of official terms that would govern the strait moving forward. According to Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghi, safe passage will be allowed in coordination with the Iranian armed forces and subject to technical limitations. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has even published a new navigation map that pushes traffic farther north, away from the traditional route near Oman’s coast, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines. Central to Tehran’s 10‑point peace proposal is the idea of charging fees for strait usage. Iranian media report that the plan could levy up to $2 million per vessel—a sum to be shared with Oman—or a charge of $1 per barrel of oil shipped. The revenue would allegedly fund reconstruction of military and civilian infrastructure damaged by the U.S.–Israeli campaign. Oman has publicly rejected any toll scheme, with Transport Minister Said Al‑Maawali reminding that the country has already signed all relevant international maritime transport agreements that prohibit such fees. International law adds another layer of complexity. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) prohibits levying charges for mere passage through international straits, allowing fees only for services like navigation assistance or port use. Neither the United States nor Iran have ratified UNCLOS, but the principle remains a benchmark for maritime norms. Analysts suggest a possible workaround: charging for de‑mining and safety services rather than for passage itself, which could be permissible under existing legal frameworks. The proposal has sparked diplomatic pushback. At the United Nations Security Council, Bahrain led a resolution urging coordinated reopening of the strait, backed by Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan. The resolution passed with 11 of 15 votes, but was vetoed by Russia and China, who argued it unfairly targeted Iran and ignored the initial strikes. Beyond the region, the United States is unlikely to accept indefinite tolls. Former President Donald Trump, who announced the ceasefire, warned that U.S. forces would remain in the area and threatened to resume attacks if negotiations faltered. American troops are reportedly “hanging around” to assist with traffic buildup, though the extent of their operational control remains unclear. Maritime analyst C. Uday Bhaskar notes that only three to five ships have traversed the strait since the ceasefire began, underscoring the lingering uncertainty for global shippers. He adds that ship owners facing multi‑million‑dollar losses each day may ultimately acquiesce to Iran’s terms, at least temporarily. Should Iran implement a toll regime, the immediate impact would fall on Gulf oil‑producing nations, but the ripple effects could destabilize global energy markets, already strained by supply shocks. Major powers such as the United Kingdom have been coordinating with a coalition of 40 countries to explore alternative mechanisms for reopening the waterway without conceding to tolls. In sum, Iran’s proposed protocol for the Strait of Hormuz introduces a contentious new variable into an already volatile geopolitical landscape, pitting national security interests against established maritime law and the broader stability of world energy supplies.