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Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari – an Iranian‑American representative from Arizona – publicly labeled President Donald Trump an “evil human being” who aspires to be an emperor, and urged that he be removed from office in light of the escalating war with Iran. Ansari, whose parents fled the Iranian regime in the 1970s, issued a statement after Trump’s threat to annihilate Iran’s civilization was followed by a tentative two‑week cease‑fire. She expressed relief for the 90 million Iranians who had spent a harrowing day fearing a nuclear catastrophe. In a phone interview, the 34‑year‑old lawmaker described Trump as “mentally unstable, deeply troubled, and solely self‑interested,” adding that his policies have stripped basic services from average Americans while enriching his family. Ansari warned that Trump’s rhetoric – promising an “America first” stance yet launching strikes on seven nations – constitutes a clear danger to both Iran and the United States, and she called for the cabinet or Congress to intervene under the 25th Amendment. She cited a series of controversial foreign‑policy moves, including the alleged illegal kidnapping of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, threats to seize Greenland, erosion of NATO credibility, and talk of taking over Cuba. In Iran, she argued, the administration has already committed war crimes by targeting schools, bridges and hospitals. Ansari also highlighted the broader humanitarian fallout: destroyed civilian infrastructure, a collapsing economy, soaring food‑security risks, and mass starvation. She relayed a conversation with a young Iranian doctor who described doubled prices and a dire economic outlook, urging the U.S. to cease attacks on civilian targets. Beyond Trump, the congresswoman announced plans to introduce articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, accusing him of repeatedly violating his oath by facilitating war‑crimes. She criticized Vice‑President JD Vance for not mobilising the cabinet to remove Trump, and warned that the current crisis represents a “five‑alarm‑fire moment” unprecedented in modern American history. Ansari’s remarks come amid a shifting Iranian diaspora sentiment. While some Iranian‑American groups initially celebrated the war’s onset, many now view the U.S. and Israeli bombing campaigns as counter‑productive, fearing they bolster the hard‑line regime. Following the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the regime’s grip appears tighter, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei assuming leadership. Ansari stressed that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps remains entrenched, and that the regime continues to exploit civilian suffering for propaganda. She concluded by urging Americans to recognise Iran’s rich cultural heritage and to reject the notion that bombing will liberate its people, emphasizing that the United States must avoid actions that only strengthen an authoritarian government.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

Greenland Prime Minister Jens-Frederik Nielsen has urged NATO allies to stand united in defending international law, following US President Donald Trump's recent comments about the Arctic island. Trump's remarks described Greenland as a 'big, poor, poorly run, piece of ice.'Nielsen firmly rejected this characterization, stating, 'We are not some piece of ice. We are a proud population of 57,000 people, working every single day as good global citizens in full respect for all our allies.'The Prime Minister emphasized the importance of maintaining the post-war geopolitical order, including NATO's defence alliance and globally respected international law. 'Those things are being challenged now, and I think all allies should stand together to try to maintain them. I hope that will happen,' he said.NATO allies had been scrambling earlier this year to keep the alliance together after Trump revived his push to seize Greenland from Denmark, a fellow NATO member. The White House in January said Trump was weighing the use of military force in Greenland, prompting Germany, France, and other European nations to send troops to the island in a show of solidarity and deterrence.Trump later backed down after talks with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, stating that 'the framework of a future deal' had been formed and moving the Greenland dispute to a diplomatic track. Diplomatic talks between Greenland, Denmark, and the US are ongoing, with more meetings scheduled.Despite the talks, Nielsen made it clear he did not believe Trump had abandoned his ambitions regarding the island: 'I cannot see that his desire to either take over or control Greenland has been taken off the table,' he said.

President Donald Trump declared on Truth Social that U.S. troops, aircraft and naval vessels will stay positioned around Iran until what he termed the "REAL AGREEMENT" is fully honored, warning that any failure by Tehran will trigger "bigger, better, and stronger" military action.Trump’s message, posted late Wednesday, underscores Washington’s demand that Iran abandon any nuclear weapons ambitions and guarantee safe passage through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz. He added that U.S. forces are "loading up and resting, looking forward to its next conquest," a rhetoric that heightens concerns of a rapid escalation.The announcement follows a two‑week ceasefire brokered by Pakistan that paused six weeks of combat and briefly steadied global markets worried about disruptions to oil shipments through Hormuz. However, the truce remains precarious.Iranian semi‑official outlets ISNA and Tasnim released a chart suggesting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had laid sea mines in the strait, marking a "danger zone" that forced some vessels to navigate farther north near Larak Island. The chart, dated Feb. 28 to Apr. 9, leaves it unclear whether the mines have been cleared.On the ground in Tehran, public sentiment is deeply skeptical. One woman told Al Jazeera that any day without bloodshed would be "very good," while another dismissed the ceasefire as meaningless while Israel continues its bombardment of Lebanon. A third resident called the truce "a theatrical show" orchestrated by Trump.Negotiations are further complicated by Tehran’s rejection of a sweeping U.S. proposal. Iran insists on an end to Israeli attacks on Lebanon and the lifting of sanctions—conditions Washington has yet to accept.Despite the uncertainty, Iranian officials hinted at a diplomatic push: Ambassador Reza Amiri Moghadam announced on X that a delegation would arrive in Islamabad for talks based on ten Iranian‑proposed points, though he later deleted the post. Pakistan’s capital simultaneously announced two days of unannounced holidays, adding to the opacity.Israel has intensified its campaign in Lebanon, killing at least 182 people in a single day, which Tehran warns could render further negotiations "unreasonable" under the current circumstances.In Washington, opposition to the conflict is mounting. Senator Cory Booker announced that Democrats intend to invoke the War Powers Resolution to force a congressional vote, condemning Trump’s actions as "unauthorised" and "reckless war‑mongering" that the American public does not support.The convergence of U.S. military posturing, Iranian skepticism, Israeli escalation, and domestic political pressure creates a volatile environment where the fragile ceasefire could unravel, threatening regional security and global energy markets.

President Donald Trump has launched a scathing attack on NATO, expressing disappointment with the alliance's reluctance to support the US in its conflict with Iran. In a post on his TruthSocial platform, Trump wrote in capital letters: "NATO wasn't there when we needed them, and they won't be there if we need them again".The remarks came after a two-hour meeting with NATO's Secretary-General, Mark Rutte, at the White House. The meeting took place a day after the US and Iran agreed to a ceasefire. Trump's comments have raised concerns about the future of the transatlantic alliance, which he has repeatedly called a "paper tiger".Rutte, known as the "Trump whisperer" for his ability to maintain a productive relationship with the US president, said that Trump was "clearly disappointed with many NATO allies". However, Rutte also pushed back against some of Trump's broader criticism, highlighting the contributions of many European nations to NATO.In addition to his criticism of NATO, Trump also appeared to revive his threat to seize Greenland from Denmark, a move that had previously roiled the alliance. "Remember Greenland, that big, poorly run, piece of ice!!!" he wrote.The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump was considering punishing some NATO members he believed were unhelpful during the conflict by moving US troops out of their countries. However, Rutte declined to comment directly on the report.NATO, formed in 1949 to counter the Soviet Union, has been the cornerstone of Western security. The alliance has only activated its mutual defence clause on one occasion, following the September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in the US.

At a Wednesday briefing, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran as a "test" that NATO failed, hinting that President Donald Trump is weighing a possible withdrawal from the alliance. She quoted the president saying the partnership had turned its back on the American people over the past six weeks. Shortly thereafter, Trump met with NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte at the White House. Both described the discussion as "frank and open," with Rutte acknowledging logistical support and base access from allies, but noting the absence of direct military contributions. During a CNN interview, host Jake Tapper asked Rutte whether the president intended to pull the United States out of NATO or at least reduce its backing. Rutte admitted there was disappointment, yet emphasized he had listened carefully to Trump’s arguments and praised the president’s leadership. Since assuming office in 2025, Trump has intensified pressure on NATO members to raise defence spending. At the 2025 NATO summit, members agreed to a non‑binding target of 5 % of GDP by 2035. Spain’s request for an exemption sparked a year‑long public denouncement by Trump. Earlier, Trump threatened to seize the Danish territory of Greenland, claiming its strategic value, though the United States has since softened that stance. Nevertheless, he continues to argue that US control of Greenland is essential, despite opposition from local residents and European leaders. The Wall Street Journal reported that the administration is evaluating the closure of U.S. bases or the redeployment of troops from countries such as Spain and Germany as retaliation for their limited engagement in the Iran conflict. When pressed about a potential NATO exit, Leavitt confirmed that the president "has discussed" the option and may address it after his meeting with Rutte. The president’s relationship with Rutte remains close; the Dutch leader has visited the White House multiple times during Trump’s second term. Rutte warned that NATO "will not work" without U.S. support, underscoring the strategic stakes of any American pull‑back. The unfolding debate highlights a deepening rift between Washington and its European partners at a time when the broader geopolitical landscape is already destabilised by the Iran war.

The recent showdown between the US and Iran has ended with Iran emerging victorious and Trump being forced to pause his war efforts. This outcome is a clear example of how to defeat Trump. According to Robert Reich, a former US secretary of labor, the strategy that connects all the successful countermeasures against Trump is simple: refuse to cave to his demands, despite his superior military or economic power. Instead, use a kind of jiujitsu to turn Trump's power against him. Examples of successful countermeasures include: Iran using cheap drones and missiles to close the strait of Hormuz and drive up oil prices, putting pressure on Trump. China leveraging its control of rare earth metals to gain leverage in trade negotiations. Russia using its vast deposits of oil and natural gas to gain leverage over US allies. Canada and Mexico winning tariff showdowns with Trump by leveraging their economic importance to the US. Greenland curbing Trump's ambitions through public opinion. Inside the US, similar strategies have been used by: The people of Minneapolis, who organized non-violent resistance to protect immigrants. Harvard University, which leveraged its influence with federal courts to stop Trump's interference. Comedian Jimmy Kimmel, who turned a crisis into a ratings victory. Writer E Jean Carroll, who secured over $88m in damages from Trump in two civil cases. Law firms like Perkins Coie, Jenner & Block, Susman Godfrey, and WilmerHale, which refused to follow Trump's executive orders. On the other hand, countries and organizations that have caved to Trump have only strengthened his leverage over them. For example, Europe seems incapacitated, fearing Trump will leave Nato, while media networks like ABC continue to lose viewers. The bottom line is that there is now a clear blueprint for how to defeat Trump: reject his demands and use your own asymmetric power to turn his power against him.

A British warship together with a Royal Air Force P‑8 maritime patrol aircraft monitored three Russian submarines that were trying to survey key undersea infrastructure in the North Atlantic, the defence secretary John Healey said at a Downing Street briefing.Healey explained that the operation, which lasted **over a month**, took place not within UK territorial waters but in the country's exclusive economic zone – the area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coastline and bordering neighbouring zones.The Russian vessels comprised an Akula‑class nuclear‑powered submarine and two deep‑sea research submarines from the GUGI directorate, a unit that normally conducts peacetime surveys of underwater infrastructure but possesses the capability to damage it in conflict.According to the minister, the British forces tracked and deterred any malign activity around the submarines 24/7, deploying regular sonar buoys to demonstrate continuous monitoring. The presence of the Royal Navy ship and the P‑8 aircraft, supported by NATO allies, left the Russian crews with “no doubt that they were being watched”.As a result, the Akula submarine “retreated home” and the two GUGI subs subsequently exited the UK’s maritime zone, heading northward. The operation involved **about 500 UK personnel**.Healey stressed that there was **no evidence of damage** to any pipelines or cables, but that UK forces and allies would verify the integrity of the infrastructure. He warned President Putin that any attempt to sabotage the network would “not be tolerated and will have serious consequences”.The defence secretary framed the incident as proof that Moscow is “the primary threat to the UK and to NATO”, underscoring the need for heightened vigilance over undersea assets amid the broader security fallout from the Ukraine war and recent tensions in the Middle East.He also linked the episode to broader defence policy, stating that the successful deterrence demonstrates the UK’s ability to detect, deter and, if necessary, respond to threats against its critical maritime infrastructure, while calling for continued investment in defence capabilities.