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The US labor market demonstrated unexpected strength in March, with the unemployment rate dropping to 4.3% despite concerns over economic instability and the ongoing conflict with Iran. According to the US Bureau of Labour Statistics, non-farm payrolls grew by 178,000 jobs in March, rebounding from a downwardly revised loss of 133,000 jobs in February.The healthcare sector led the gains, adding 76,000 jobs in March, significantly higher than the 29,000 average monthly increase over the last year. This surge follows a large-scale nursing strike that ended on February 24, which had temporarily removed over 30,000 healthcare workers from payrolls.The construction sector also saw notable growth, with 26,000 jobs added in March. Additionally, the transportation and warehousing sector grew by 21,000 jobs over the previous month, although it has experienced an overall loss of 139,000 jobs since February 2025.In contrast, the federal government, the largest employer in the US, continued to shrink, cutting 18,000 federal employee positions in March. This marks a 355,000 job decline from the same period last year.The White House has praised the jobs report as evidence that President Trump's policies are stimulating the domestic economy. Kush Desai, White House deputy press secretary, stated that the March jobs report 'blew out expectations' with strong construction job growth and a surge in manufacturing job creation.However, experts warn that the impact of the US conflict with Iran, dubbed Operation Epic Fury, is not yet fully reflected in the job numbers. Economists at JPMorgan cautioned that negative payroll readings could become more common, and Angela Hanks, chief of policy programmes at The Century Foundation, noted that wage growth has stalled, and oil prices are skyrocketing, threatening to weaken the job market.The economic uncertainty is also affecting US consumers, with the University of Michigan's consumer sentiment survey dropping by 6% in March to its lowest level since December 2025. Furthermore, the average price for a gallon of petrol has increased to $4.09 ($1.08 per litre), up from $3.10 ($0.82 per litre) this time last month.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

The UK is facing a potential rebranding of its beloved breakfast spread, marmalade, due to new EU rules. The proposed changes are part of a planned food deal with the EU, which would require the UK to align with the bloc's naming rules for food products.Under the new rules, marmalades may need to be relabelled to specify the type of fruit used, such as 'citrus marmalade'. However, the government has clarified that 'orange marmalade' will still be allowed and that jars on UK shelves will remain unchanged.The Conservative former home secretary, Priti Patel, has accused Labour of 'attacking the great British marmalade', claiming that the prime minister is 'desperate to fit in with his EU pals and unpick Brexit'. However, the government spokesperson has denied this, stating that the deal simply supports trade by cutting unnecessary red tape.The UK is being asked to align with regulations already in force within the EU, which allow all conserves to be marketed as marmalades as long as the type of fruit is specified. The rules were relaxed in 2004 to allow fruit-based spreads to be referred to as marmalades in certain European countries.A government source pointed out that marmalade on UK supermarket shelves is already usually labelled as 'orange marmalade', which they suggested is in compliance with the EU rules. The government has assured that the agreement supports exporters while fully preserving the UK's ability to shape food rules in the national interest.

The current global landscape is marked by uncertainty, with Donald Trump's policies contributing to a sense of instability. As the world grapples with the implications of the Iran war, including a potential global shortage of jet fuel, the UK is reevaluating its relationships. Keir Starmer, leader of the Labour Party, has argued that a closer partnership with Europe is in Britain's national interest. This stance is echoed by Rachel Reeves, highlighting the need for the UK to strengthen its ties with the EU to mitigate the risks of a global economic crisis. The article notes that 63% of Britons would vote to rejoin the EU if a referendum were held today, according to recent YouGov polling. This sentiment is reflected in the growing popularity of a youth mobility scheme that would allow young people to work and study abroad, a proposal that has gained traction even among Leave voters. Starmer's ally, Nick Thomas-Symonds, has been negotiating a deal that would align with EU rules on food and drink, potentially leading to the relabelling of certain products like marmalade. While challenges remain, including competitive trade interests, the article suggests that Europe is choosing unity in the face of crisis. The author, Gaby Hinsliff, argues that Britain has learned from its past mistakes and is now seeking to build a new relationship with the EU at speed. While rejoining the EU is not imminent, the will and political courage are needed to seize this second chance.

In a scene reminiscent of Henry James’s observation that the only certainty with a young American abroad is surprise, the current US president continues to bewilder European partners with erratic statements.President Trump has publicly ridiculed British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Royal Navy as feeble, mocked French President Emmanuel Macron over personal matters, urged allies to secure their own oil supplies, and declared that withdrawing the United States from NATO is "beyond reconsideration". These comments come as the conflict in Iran, ignited by Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, drags on without a clear resolution, fueling his domestic political anxieties.European officials responded not with shock but with weary irritation, noting that Trump’s unpredictability is now a permanent feature of US policy, steering the continent away from the liberal international order. Analysts warn that NATO’s credibility is eroding, turning the alliance into a "paper tiger" even as Russian President Vladimir Putin watches closely.Britain, hoping to serve as a diplomatic conduit between Washington and Brussels, finds its position increasingly precarious. Post‑Brexit economic vulnerabilities and the looming state visit of King Charles to the United States offer little strategic gain and risk becoming a diplomatic embarrassment.Prime Minister Starmer has deliberately avoided direct confrontation with Trump, instead pledging to deepen the United Kingdom’s economic and security ties with the European Union. This shift aims to reassure Labour factions leaning toward the Liberal Democrats and Greens, while also hoping that shared security concerns will coax European capitals into offering more robust economic support.In a world where traditional alliances are fraying, European leaders face mounting pressure to forge genuine security cooperation rather than merely increasing defence spending. The consensus is clear: delay is no longer an option for Europe to secure its own future.

Chris Haskins, Lord Haskins, who has died at the age of 88, was a highly influential figure in British business and politics. He was a key supporter of Tony Blair's New Labour project and played a crucial role in advising on regulatory reform and rural affairs. Early Life and Career Born in Dublin, Ireland, Haskins studied modern history at Trinity College Dublin, where he developed a reputation as a radical. He began his career in journalism, covering the Aldermaston marches for the Irish Times, before moving into business. In 1959, he traveled to England, married Gilda Horsley, and joined his father-in-law's company, Northern Dairies, which later became Northern Foods. Business Achievements Under Haskins' leadership, Northern Foods grew into Britain's leading food manufacturer. He was instrumental in developing chilled food techniques, which enabled the mass production of ready meals and convenience foods. A significant partnership with Marks & Spencer was established, which became a cornerstone of the company's success, generating annual sales of half a billion pounds. Public Service and Politics Haskins was a vocal advocate for various public causes, including European monetary union, English regional devolution, and the reduction of subsidies to British agriculture. He served as a 'rural tsar' during the foot and mouth outbreak of 2001 and authored a rural recovery report for Defra, which proposed a shift towards environmental concerns and a long-term reduction in subsidies. Legacy Throughout his life, Haskins was known for his 'no-nonsense approach' and his commitment to telling the truth as he saw it. He was a passionate advocate for regional devolution and took an active role in various Yorkshire economic bodies. Despite facing disappointment as governments wound down bodies he chaired, Haskins remained dedicated to his causes, reflecting on his life's work: 'Most of the campaigns of my life have failed, largely, I comfort myself, because I have been ahead of my time.' He is survived by his wife, Gilda, their five children, nine grandchildren, and a great-granddaughter.

Richard Walker, executive chair of the Iceland supermarket chain and Labour’s appointed cost‑of‑living tsar, told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme that the government should extend the 5‑pence fuel duty cut beyond its September expiry to cushion households from soaring petrol prices. The call comes as the Strait of Hormuz—a vital conduit for roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil—remains blockaded after the United States and Israel launched attacks on Iran at the end of February. The disruption has triggered a sharp rise in global oil prices, intensifying pressure on the UK economy. Under current policy, UK fuel duty is frozen until September, when a review is scheduled. By contrast, Australia recently announced a 14‑pence‑per‑litre cut to its fuel tax, highlighting the disparity with the UK’s modest 5‑pence reduction. Walker emphasized on air: “Given where we are, we need to be thinking about extending or enlarging the existing cut.” He noted that the original 5‑pence reduction was introduced by the Conservative government in March 2022. Chancellor Rachel Reeves had pledged in her November budget to keep the cut in place until August, followed by a gradual increase over five years. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has signalled that the planned September rise will remain “under review” in light of the ongoing conflict. Data from the RAC shows that, since the war began, the average price of a litre of diesel at UK forecourts has jumped 30 % to 185.2 pence, while petrol has risen 16 % to 154.5 pence per litre. Opposition parties are also weighing in: the Conservatives propose scrapping VAT on energy bills for several years, Reform UK calls for a VAT cut on fuel, and the Liberal Democrats advocate a 10‑pence fuel duty reduction.

Labour has challenged Nigel Farage over the cost of his private jet trip to the Maldives, questioning his claim that it cost as little as £25,000. Farage, the leader of Reform UK, initially recorded the two-day trip as costing £12,500, funded by Thailand-based Reform megadonor Christopher Harborne, before later upgrading the cost to £25,000. The Labour Party's chair, Anna Turley, wrote to Farage arguing that chartering a private jet of a similar size would cost many times more than the sum declared. According to publicly available flight logs, the 11,000-mile round trip lasted just over 23 hours, using a model of plane that is currently advertised on multiple private jet websites as costing at least $11,500 (£8,500) per hour to charter. Turley highlighted that the plane's ownership is linked to Harborne, who has given the party more than £12m. She asked Farage to clarify how he valued the cost of the flight, which did not end in him reaching the Chagos Islands, as he did not have permission. Farage has described the visit as a "humanitarian mission", saying he undertook the trip to highlight the plight of the Chagossians, whose families were removed from the islands in the 1960s and are seeking to return. The trip has sparked controversy over the valuation of the private jet donation and Farage's attempts to reach the Chagos Islands, which are subject to a UK government decision to hand sovereignty to Mauritius.

In Barcelona, anti‑tourism demonstrators have added a culinary twist to their demands, chanting “Stop brunch!” alongside the more familiar “Ban Airbnb” as they protest soaring rents and the loss of local character.The rise of generic brunch venues—identical hipster cafés with the same menu, décor and background music—has become a symbol of overtourism, pushing out neighbourhood bars and eateries that once served the resident community.In response, Albert Molins, a journalist for La Vanguardia, launched a simple Google Maps list in autumn 2020. The list quickly evolved into a city‑wide movement to resurrect the Catalan tradition of esmorzar de forquilla (literally “fork breakfast”).This hearty mid‑morning meal, historically a 19th‑century labourer’s fuel, typically includes a main dish, wine, bread and coffee, and can be enjoyed for under €15. It is now served in modest, no‑frills taverns that showcase authentic Catalan flavours.Signature dishes differ sharply from the typical brunch fare. Patrons can savour trinxat—a pan‑fried potato and cabbage hash topped with crisp pancetta—fricandó (stewed veal with mushrooms), bacallà amb samfaina (fried cod on stewed vegetables), and the richly spiced botifarra sausage. For off‑al lovers, options such as callos (tripe stew), peus de porc (pigs’ feet) and the indulgent cap i pota (veal head and feet stew) are on offer.The original map has since been redeveloped into the functional EsmorzApp, uniting a growing community of “fork‑breakfast enthusiasts” and attracting younger diners alongside long‑time local patrons.Restaurant owner Gerard Llopart notes that his establishment in Barcelona’s Eixample district now welcomes a broader, more diverse crowd, proving that the revival resonates beyond its traditional base.While the movement does not single‑handedly solve overtourism, it demonstrates how locals can reclaim cultural space and invite tourists to partake in genuine culinary heritage. As Molins puts it, the fork breakfast is “our history,” and visitors are encouraged to download the app and ask for un cap i pota, si us plau?