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Iran has issued a threat to close the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route, a vital waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, in response to escalating tensions with the US. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that Iranian allies could shut the route, similar to Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.The Bab al-Mandeb is a crucial passage for global oil trade, with 4.1 billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passing through it in 2024, accounting for 5% of the global total. A closure of both the Bab al-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz would block 25% of the world's oil and gas supply.The strait is effectively controlled by the Iran-backed Houthis, who have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping in the region. During Israel's conflict in Gaza, the Houthis blocked the Bab al-Mandeb for ships associated with Israel or the US.A closure of the Bab al-Mandeb would have significant implications for global trade, particularly for Saudi Arabia's oil exports to Asia and global container shipping from China, India, and other Asian countries to Europe. It could also exacerbate the ongoing global energy supply crisis.Experts warn that a blockade of the Bab al-Mandeb would create a 'nightmare scenario,' disrupting trade toward Europe and potentially leading to a broader conflict in the region.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

Democrats have strongly condemned Donald Trump's recent threats to destroy Iran's civilian infrastructure, labeling them as potential war crimes and evidence of the president's mental instability.In a profanity-laden Easter Sunday message, Trump threatened to bomb Iran's power plants and bridges if Tehran did not open the Strait of Hormuz. This has prompted several Democratic lawmakers to call for Trump's removal from office, citing concerns over his fitness to serve.Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari, who is of Iranian descent, urged the invocation of the 25th Amendment to remove Trump from the presidency, describing him as a deranged lunatic and a national security threat.Other Democrats, including Hakeem Jeffries and Bernie Sanders, have also criticized Trump's threats, with Sanders calling on Congress to act to prevent the war.Legal experts have noted that attacks on civilian infrastructure would violate international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions and the Pentagon's own Law of War Manual.Despite mounting criticism, Trump's Republican allies have largely supported him, with Lindsey Graham and Don Bacon defending the president's stance on Iran.The conflict has resulted in over 2,000 civilian casualties in Iran, according to Iranian officials, and has raised concerns about the humanitarian impact of the war.

The U.S. Supreme Court issued a decision on Monday that removes a procedural obstacle, allowing the Justice Department to proceed with a motion to dismiss the criminal case against Steve Bannon. The case stems from a 2022 conviction on two counts of contempt of Congress for refusing to comply with a subpoena issued by the House committee investigating the January 6, 2021 Capitol attack. Bannon, a former chief strategist for President Donald Trump, served a four‑month prison term after the conviction. Although the sentence is now complete, the Justice Department argues that dismissing the case is "in the interests of justice" and has asked the high court to overturn the lower‑court ruling that kept the conviction in place. Attorney Evan Corcoran, representing Bannon, welcomed the development, stating, "It has been one battle after another for five years, but today the Supreme Court vacated an unjust conviction, reaffirming that politics and prosecution don’t mix." A dismissal would expunge Bannon’s conviction from the record, but the practical impact is minimal because he has already completed his sentence. The move is part of a broader pattern of the Justice Department taking actions that benefit allies of the former president since his return to office in 2024. Background: Bannon, now 72, was a key adviser to Trump’s 2016 campaign and served as the White House’s chief strategist in 2017. After a brief fallout, he reconciled with Trump and was released from Danbury federal prison a week before Trump’s victory over Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election. Upon release, Bannon declared himself “far from broken” and resumed hosting his "War Room" podcast, continuing to promote the “America First” brand of right‑wing populism. Legal arguments raised by Bannon’s team centered on claims of executive privilege and challenges to the congressional committee’s authority to issue the subpoena. The case unfolds against a backdrop of numerous pardons granted by Trump to individuals convicted in connection with the Capitol riot and other allies facing charges related to attempts to overturn the 2020 election.

South Korean intelligence officials say Pyongyang is deliberately stepping back from its long‑standing partnership with Iran as it seeks to open a diplomatic channel with the United States.The National Intelligence Service (NIS) found no evidence of weapons or material transfers to Tehran since the US‑Israel conflict over Iran erupted at the end of February.Unlike its allies China and Russia, which have issued frequent statements on the Middle‑East war, North Korea’s foreign ministry has released only two muted comments, condemning the US and Israeli attacks but remaining silent on internal Iranian leadership changes.Analysts interpret this restraint as a strategic move to position North Korea for a new diplomatic chapter with Washington once the regional conflict subsides.In a separate revelation, the NIS disclosed that Kim Jong Un appears to be grooming his teenage daughter, Ju Ae—estimated to be around 13 years old—as a potential successor, citing recent footage of her driving a tank.The display mirrors Kim’s own early‑2010s public military appearances, which were designed to showcase his readiness to inherit power.Previously, Kim’s sister Kim Yo Jong was considered a leading heir candidate. She recently praised South Korean President Lee Jae Myung for apologising over a January drone incursion, calling the gesture “wise” and “fortunate.”Lee admitted that government officials were involved in the drone incident and expressed regret, part of his broader effort to repair inter‑Korean ties since taking office.Despite these overtures, North Korea has largely ignored Seoul’s diplomatic initiatives, with Kim labeling South Korea the “most hostile state” in a March policy address.

Article 52 of the first Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions bars attacks on civilian targets. The International Criminal Court has already issued arrest warrants for Russian officers involved in strikes on Ukraine’s energy grid, a precedent that would apply to the United States if President Donald Trump’s threats to bomb Iran were carried out. Trump, alongside Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, has adopted a tone that resembles a “blood‑thirsty fever dream.” Hegseth framed the proposed Operation Epic Fury as a 21st‑century crusade, while Trump unleashed a profanity‑laden tirade demanding the immediate reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, warning that “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day… Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell.” This rhetoric, emerging just before the United States’ 250th independence anniversary, undermines the credibility of the presidency and the nation’s moral standing. The editorial notes that, in a more restrained political climate, senators like Chris Murphy might explore constitutional avenues to remove Trump, but the current cabinet’s “craven complicity” makes such prospects remote. The international community now watches anxiously, fearing that a broader escalation between the United States, Israel, and Iran could trigger “unknowable and spiralling consequences.” Iran has signaled it could widen its attacks across the region, and the recent closure of the Hormuz Strait demonstrates that Trump’s threats are not merely rhetorical. NATO allies have declined to endorse Trump’s approach, citing the absence of a coherent strategy and a lack of legal justification. They hope the president’s apocalyptic language masks a genuine search for a rapid de‑escalation, especially as global economic pressure mounts. Trump later claimed there was a “good chance” of a cease‑fire with Iran before his deadline, yet hours later Israel bombed a key petrochemical plant in Iran’s largest gas field, contradicting any notion of imminent peace. During a White House press briefing, Trump and Hegseth highlighted the rescue of a missing U.S. fighter crew shot down over Iran, a moment that starkly contrasted with the looming threat to thousands of lives and the stability of the global economy, now hanging on the whims of a president driven by self‑aggrandizement and an echo chamber of advisers.

Jamie Dimon, chairman and chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, used his highly‑watched annual letter to shareholders to press the White House to strengthen economic cooperation with U.S. allies, warning that a decline in shared prosperity could produce "truly adverse consequences" for democratic nations.His message arrives as the Iran‑Israel conflict enters its sixth week, a war that has already rattled global energy markets. Economists cited in the letter caution that prolonged fighting could push oil prices above $170 a barrel, a level capable of triggering a worldwide recession.Dimon’s appeal is widely read as a thinly‑veiled rebuke of President Donald Trump. Earlier this year, Trump filed a $5 billion lawsuit against Dimon and JPMorgan, accusing the bank of “de‑banking” him. The timing of Dimon’s comments—just days after Trump’s aggressive rhetoric urging foreign governments to "go get your own oil"—underscores the growing rift between the bank’s leadership and the administration."Economic weakening of the world’s democracies or a fragmentation of their economic bonds could lead to truly adverse consequences," Dimon wrote. He warned that adversarial states aim to make allies less dependent on the United States, potentially turning them into economic “vassals” of hostile regimes.Beyond geopolitics, Dimon highlighted the broader macro‑economic outlook. He warned that the war could generate "sticky" inflation, higher commodity prices, and disrupted supply chains, which together may force interest rates higher than markets currently anticipate. He echoed other economists in warning that inflation could rise rather than fall in 2026.Despite these challenges, Dimon expressed optimism about the U.S. economy, affirming his belief that "the American Dream is alive." He also turned to emerging technology, noting that artificial intelligence could deliver breakthroughs in healthcare, manufacturing, and safety, ultimately shortening the work week and extending life expectancy.Dimon’s annual letter—spanning nearly 50 pages and more than 20,000 words—remains a barometer for Wall Street sentiment. In it, he also critiqued the administration’s tariff policy, arguing that while tariffs have forced renegotiations, a comprehensive foreign‑economic strategy should promote growth both for the United States and its partners.As transatlantic relations strain under soaring energy costs and divergent trade policies, Dimon’s call for a coordinated economic front underscores a pivotal moment: the United States must decide whether to lead a cohesive democratic coalition or risk ceding influence to autocratic powers.

Raiders of the Lost Ark (1981) continues to serve as a cinematic comfort food, delivering a relentless parade of perils—jungle treks, venomous creatures, double‑crossing allies, and larger‑than‑life set‑pieces—while never losing its playful spirit.The film’s charm lies not only in its nonstop thrills but also in a deep‑seated nostalgic longing for an imagined era when “the good guys always won.” Its creators—George Lucas, co‑writer Philip Kaufman, and director Steven Spielberg—crafted an homage to the 1930‑ and 1940‑year‑old serial B‑movies they grew up watching, such as Buck Rogers and Zorro’s Fighting Legion. Those serials, broken into bite‑size chapters before the main feature, taught a formula of relentless action that Raiders replicates with modern polish.Beyond childhood reminiscence, the film offered early‑1980s America a respite from the lingering shadows of the Vietnam War and Watergate. By resurrecting the mythic Greatest Generation—who triumphed over the Great Depression and World War II—the movie positioned its hero, Harrison Ford’s Indiana Jones, as a symbol of moral clarity in a time of “great moral obscurity,” marked by political turmoil, economic recessions, and the so‑called “war on terror.”For many viewers, the experience of watching Raiders on weekend television added another layer of comfort. The film’s frequent rotation on cable and syndication turned it into a ritual: a lazy Sunday, a remote‑controlled channel‑surf, and the inevitable arrival of Indy battling Nazis or escaping deadly traps. That sense of surrendering control to the “all‑knowing cable programming gods” amplified the film’s soothing effect.Ultimately, the story’s resolution—where a divine‑like intervention saves Indy and Marion—mirrors the audience’s desire for reassurance that, no matter how chaotic the world, a protective force is watching over us.Available for streaming on Paramount+ (US), Now TV (UK), and Disney+ (Australia).

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.