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The Politicization of Science Donald Trump’s war on science has been vicious and hugely damaging, but it is worth noting that he has lost some of its biggest battles. Last year, Mr Trump demanded that US federal scientific and medical research funding be cut by about half. But the budget Congress passed in February actually delivered a slight increase in overall funding – although specific Trump targets such as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention were cut. Resistance from Congress He also continues to chip away at science in other ways such as dismissing the board overseeing the National Science Foundation this week. Maga’s attacks on science have been nakedly political. Its defeats have been politics of a different sort, showing that the bipartisan pro-science consensus is still intact, and for the moment has the power to hold Mr Trump in check. A Global Trend What is happening in the US is not unique. Wherever rightwing populists triumph, science is likely to suffer. Jair Bolsonaro’s rule in Brazil saw him attack scientists and cut environmental funding. In India, Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government purged the theory of evolution from school textbooks. In Britain, Reform UK has already attempted local government cuts, targeting net zero spending. The Changing Role of Scientists Scientists have tended to avoid party politics for a specific reason. Historians identify an implicit scientific social contract that emerged in western states after the second world war, which established the state as the main funder of research, but in theory discouraged direct political interference by government. Many scientists believe that engaging in politics endangers this compact: if scientists don’t bother politics, it won’t bother them. A New Era for Science and Politics Scientists are no longer just defending funding. They are defending the idea that science should be independent of politics. What scientists gain by organising protests, speaking to the public through their academies and now running for office is a better understanding of the changing public sphere that they are part of. The public may gain an ally against rightwing populism – and a deeper, more serious engagement with the scientific challenges facing society. Mr Trump set out to tame scientists. He may have politicised them instead.

The Digital Roundabout: Understanding Phone AddictionWake up, 100 messages from group chat overnight about something – what? another assassination attempt; a village destroyed in Lebanon; the football result in England; the weather in Iran being manipulated; the pesticides causing lung and bowel cancer, so everyone who eats salads is now at risk of cancer; meditate for 20 minutes, then fire up x.com, a place I thought I'd never want to revisit, with its carnival barkers and supplement salesman, and have you seen the Lego thing calling Trump a paedo?, you gotta see the Lego thing, and this is before my first coffee, yet x.com is the coffee and the tea, whatever Elon has done to the For You algorithm is evil genius, it's like the global collective id, nasty and funny and addictive and compelling – like gawking at a car crash, like soaking in a hot bubble bath of anger, and memes, and geopolitical dramas, and Trump, Trump, Trump – soaking in Trump, and then, For Me (just as Elon promised).So begins the circuit around my phone, that goes all day and night, around the tiny screen with its icons (when a born-again Christian once told me he had favourite icons, for a long time I thought he meant apps, not pictures of the Virgin Mary). I started to feel like I was in Canberra, on one of those enormous roundabouts, rotating between the icons – not Joseph, not Jesus, but X and WhatsApp and TikTok and even LinkedIn for Christ sakes – round and round from one app to the next, just checking, checking in case something is happening. I watched tiny videos and maybe, occasionally, got distracted by the novel I am meant to be writing, which is due on 31 July. But the novel is boring, just a static Word doc on a screen, it's not giving; it's taking hard work. So I spend six minutes with my novel, and then it's time to go back to my phone, to circle the roundabout visiting all my icons again, like a demented Stations of the Cross, because I can't focus, I just can't focus on work right now when there is so much good scrolling to do …Clearly, this had to stop or I would become deranged and my novel wouldn't get finished by 31 July.But what could break the hold of a phone that seemed more and more addictive every day?The Physical Solution: Brick and Locked DevicesThen, while listening to a Guardian podcast (on my phone) I came across an author talking about a device that locked her phone and gave her her time and attention span back.I had tried apps to lock my phone before, but somehow having them embedded in the phone itself was like placing a piece of fruit in a box of chocolates. Sure you go in there to retrieve the fruit, but you end up distracted by the chocolates. Before you know it, the chocolates have been eaten! The fruit, of course, remains untouched and rotting.I needed an external device to lock my phone. This author was talking about something called Brick ($59US; £54 or $120 AUD including postage), a small plastic puck that you place on your phone which locks its most appealing apps. Hard!The Brick and its cheaper rival Locked ($39USD; £32; $59AUD) use Near Field Communication (NFC) technology to block whatever apps you nominate. To unblock them, you have to physically return to the puck and tap it against your phone. You can set a timer – I set it for one or two hour blocks when I want to focus on my novel – and if you try to unBrick beforehand, it asks you if you want to have a life, or if you want your phone back. That prompt is enough to make me affirm that, yes, I want a life.The Economics of Digital AttentionWhat Brick understands, and what every app-based screen time limit fails to grasp, is that the problem is not information or intention. I already knew I was using my phone too much. The problem is friction, or rather the total absence of it. Digital guardrails collapse the moment you need them most: one tap and you're back on Instagram. Brick makes that tap a physical hurdle.Using the Brick at night has been transformative. The hours I was losing in the roundabout, I now spend reading, thinking and occasionally just sitting in silence.The novel is moving again and I can focus in longer and longer increments.The algorithm doesn't get me after 8pm any more, and it turns out the algorithm, deprived of its evening session, has less purchase on me during the day too.The Psychology of Digital BoundariesBrick hasn't cured my addiction, but it has restored the thing addiction most destroys, which is the moment of pause between impulse and action.These physical devices represent a growing recognition that our relationship with technology requires more than just self-control – it needs environmental design and intentional friction to counteract the sophisticated algorithms designed to capture our attention.As digital products become increasingly sophisticated at capturing and holding our attention, the market for tools that help us reclaim our time and focus is likely to expand beyond simple app blockers to more comprehensive systems of digital wellbeing.The Future of Digital WellbeingLooking ahead, we can expect to see more innovative solutions that address the fundamental design principles of digital products. The success of devices like Brick suggests that consumers are becoming more aware of how their attention is being monetized and are seeking ways to regain control.As awareness of digital addiction grows, we may see regulatory interventions that require technology companies to build more ethical design principles into their products, potentially creating a market for both wellbeing tools and more responsibly designed digital experiences.Ultimately, the journey toward healthier digital habits will likely involve a combination of personal discipline, technological solutions, and systemic changes in how digital products are designed and monetized.

The Diplomatic Pivot in TehranAs the two-month conflict between the United States and Iran enters its 59th day, the strategic landscape is shifting from kinetic warfare to high-stakes diplomacy. The central narrative is no longer just the exchange of fire, but the desperate diplomatic shuttle aimed at de-escalation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has moved rapidly from Islamabad to Muscat and now to Saint Petersburg, signaling a coordinated effort to secure a diplomatic exit strategy.Araghchi’s Moscow Mission and the US Conditional OfferThe core of the current diplomatic push involves a complex interplay of regional actors and high-level negotiations. Araghchi is expected to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss bilateral ties and the ongoing US-Israel war on Iran. This meeting is critical as it places Russia at the center of potential mediation efforts.Araghchi’s Schedule: The Foreign Minister arrived in Saint Petersburg early Monday, aiming to secure a framework for negotiations.US Stance: President Donald Trump has signaled a conditional willingness to negotiate, stating Iran can telephone if it wishes to end the conflict, though he reiterated that Tehran cannot possess nuclear weapons.Russia’s Role: Russian envoy Mikhail Ulyanov has warned that the US must abandon "blackmailing" and "ultimatums" if talks are to progress.The Strategic Stalemate: Nuclear Ambitions and the Strait of HormuzThe data points defining the stalemate are stark and alarming. The conflict is currently trapped between two intractable issues: Iran's nuclear ambitions and the control of the Strait of Hormuz.Strategic Blockade: The Strait of Hormuz remains under a de facto Iranian blockade, a move the IRGC claims is a "definitive strategy" to maintain deterrent effects.Human Cost: On the ground, the conflict has claimed at least 14 lives in southern Lebanon on Sunday alone, including women and children, despite a US-brokered ceasefire.Nuclear Sticking Point: Both sides remain deadlocked on the issue of Iran's nuclear program, which serves as the primary trigger for the US military involvement.Regional Escalation: The Lebanon FrontThe diplomatic maneuvering in Moscow is happening against a backdrop of severe regional instability. The conflict is spilling over into Lebanon, where the situation is deteriorating rapidly.Israeli Operations: Israeli forces have raided southern Lebanon, cutting off roads and intensifying strikes.Hezbollah's Response: The militant group has rejected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's accusations of jeopardizing the ceasefire, framing its attacks as a "legitimate response" to continued Israeli violations.Outlook: A Fragile Path to NegotiationThe immediate future of the Iran war hinges on whether the diplomatic shuttle in Moscow can translate into a concrete framework. While the US has left the door open for a phone call, the conditions—specifically regarding the nuclear program and the Strait of Hormuz—remain largely unchanged. The coming days will determine if the diplomatic efforts in Russia can bridge the gap between the US's military posture and Iran's strategic demands, or if the violence in Lebanon will force a return to open warfare.

The LeadIn a revealing account from his autobiography 'Saved', legendary goalkeeper Gianluigi Buffon has opened up about a career-threatening panic attack that struck him during a Juventus match in 2004. The incident, which occurred during a challenging period for both the player and the club, forced Buffon to confront mental health issues that few professional athletes of his era dared to acknowledge.The Panic AttackThe incident occurred before a Juventus-Reggina match in February 2004, a particularly difficult period when the team was six points off the top of the table. During the warm-up, Buffon experienced breathing difficulties, dizziness, and a tightness in his diaphragm that made him feel as if he had been hit. 'I felt slightly dizzy. What scared me, however, was the tightness I felt in my diaphragm, between chest and stomach, as if I had been hit,' Buffon recalls.His goalkeeping coach Ivano Bordon immediately recognized something was wrong. 'When you have a panic attack, you don't know you're having a panic attack. When you have a panic attack you think you're going to die,' Buffon explains. The coach's simple words—'You aren't obliged to play'—provided the psychological release Buffon needed to manage the situation.The Mental StruggleIn the aftermath of the incident, Buffon faced months of uncertainty and anxiety. He experienced sleep disturbances, negative thoughts about disappointing his fans and family, and a growing sense of fear that extended beyond football. 'I was afraid to go out, to talk to the people who loved me. I woke up groggy with a tiredness that affected my body, my legs were lacking in energy and I began to lose a sense of certainty in my movements,' he writes.The legendary goalkeeper initially struggled to understand what was happening to him, interpreting his feelings as a lack of courage rather than recognizing them as symptoms of a panic disorder. The stigma surrounding mental health in professional sports made it difficult for him to seek help or even acknowledge his condition to teammates.The Turning PointBuffon's journey to recovery began when he confided in Juventus team doctor Riccardo Agricola. During one of their conversations, the doctor suggested what Buffon had been unwilling to admit: 'Gigi, it could be depression.' This moment of clarity marked the beginning of his acceptance and eventual management of his condition.Despite the ongoing challenges, Buffon found ways to continue his career, learning to manage his anxiety while maintaining his legendary status as one of football's greatest goalkeepers. His experience highlights the importance of mental health awareness in professional sports and the courage required to confront such issues publicly.The LegacyBy sharing his experience in his autobiography, Buffon has joined a growing movement of athletes breaking the silence around mental health. His story serves as an inspiration to others facing similar challenges and contributes to the broader conversation about psychological wellbeing in high-pressure professional environments.The incident, which could have ended his career, ultimately became a pivotal moment in Buffon's life and career. 'I talked about this with my closest friends, and then with Juve's doctor,' he writes, demonstrating the importance of seeking help and support when facing mental health challenges.

The Lead: A Revolutionary Fusion of Music and LightThere was birdsong in the Queen Elizabeth Hall foyer. In the hall itself, hanging from the ceiling, were ropes displaying many thousands of walnut-sized LEDs, promising to light the place up as if it were Harrods in December. This was Echoes of Hill and Horizon, an unlikely and delightful coming together of technology and English pastoral music at this year's Multitudes festival.The Event Details: Technological Innovation Meets Classical TraditionJust over an hour of Vaughan Williams, Warlock and Elgar was played by the Orchestra of the Age of Enlightenment – who don't usually play this stuff, but who drew on their experience in the earlier music that inspired it. Their agile playing, at once lean and sonorous, was filtered through the dozens of speakers that make up the QEH's hidden surround-sound system, which occasionally blunted the orchestral blend but allowed for intriguing spatial effects or cathedral-like reverb.The Visual Spectacle: Light as an Interpretive MediumThese effects were all but eclipsed by the intricate lightshow happening above us, courtesy of Squidsoup. It was at its magical best in Vaughan Williams's The Lark Ascending: the bird represented by Kati Debretzeni's solo violin took abstract visual form as a small cluster of ice-blue lights with a narrow aura of red, never still, swooping above us as each light came alive. At first we could only hear Debretzeni, her lyrical playing seeming to come from wherever the lights led our eye. Then, stepping out from the darkness, she moved around the stage as patches of the lights turned the colours of sunlight and harvest – yellow, ochre, russet – followed by leaf-green and deep sky-blue.The Artistic Impact: Synaesthetic ExperienceThe other pieces were more abstract, a feast of synaesthesia. Peter Warlock's courtly Capriol Suite had indigo splodges moving as if with stately dance steps, or little red explosions like fireworks, or a twirling ribbon of turquoise. No prizes for guessing the leading colour in Vaughan Williams's Fantasia on Greensleeves. Elgar's Serenade for Strings brought clusters of poster-paint shades, Vaughan Williams's Fantasia on a Theme by Thomas Tallis showers of stained-glass blues and reds. Thanks to the vitality of the playing and the paciness of Evan Rogister's conducting, it all came together to create an immersive audiovisual experience that felt weightless and enchanting.The Future Outlook: New Directions for Classical PerformanceMultitudes festival continues at the Southbank Centre, London, until 30 April, offering more innovative performances that challenge traditional boundaries between musical genres and visual arts. This successful fusion of technology and classical music suggests a promising direction for the future of live performance, where digital enhancements can complement rather than overshadow the musical experience.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Fifteen people who were deported from the United States have arrived in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The deportees landed in the capital, Kinshasa, overnight Thursday to Friday as part of an agreement between the US and the DRC.The group includes nationals from Peru and Ecuador, with seven women among them, according to a diplomatic source. An official at the DRC migration agency confirmed the arrivals but did not provide details.US lawyer Alma David, who represents one of the deportees, said the deportees are all from Latin America and the Congolese government plans to keep them in the country for a short period. All the deportees have legal protection from US judges shielding them against being returned to their home countries, David told The Associated Press.The DRC Ministry of Communications announced earlier this month that it would temporarily accept migrants deported from the US. It said that Washington would cover the costs involved, and that facilities had been prepared near Kinshasa to accommodate them.The International Organization for Migration (IOM) said that the DRC asked the UN agency for humanitarian assistance with the migrants. The IOM may also offer assisted voluntary return to those migrants who request it.The US policy has drawn criticism from rights groups over the legality of sending deportees to countries where they are not from and could face human rights violations. In some cases, the deportees have been later sent back to their home countries despite receiving legal protection from US courts to prevent that from happening.The Trump administration is thought to have spent at least $40m to deport about 300 migrants to third countries up to the end of January, according to a report compiled by Democrats on the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Countries have received lump sums ranging from $4.7m to $7.5m to receive deportees.

Marwan Barghouti, often referred to as Palestine's Nelson Mandela, has been facing a pattern of escalating abuse in Israeli jails, his lawyer Ben Marmarelli has said. Barghouti has been attacked three times in as many weeks, including an incident where prison guards set a dog on him.The 66-year-old Palestinian leader has been held in Israeli jails since his conviction for ordering attacks that killed civilians during the second intifada. His trial was criticized as flawed by legal experts, and Mandela himself reportedly described it as a legal attack on a legitimate political struggle.Marmarelli said that Barghouti faced violence, medical neglect, and treatment that places him at immediate risk in jail. On March 25, prison guards entered Barghouti's cell with a dog and forced him to the ground, where the dog repeatedly attacked him. The following day, Barghouti was assaulted during a transfer to another prison, and on April 8, guards at that jail beat him severely, left him bleeding for over two hours, and denied requests for medical treatment.Despite the abuse, Marmarelli said Barghouti's mind was sharp, focused, and deeply engaged with everything happening outside those prison walls. The lawyer added that the only way to protect Barghouti is to secure his immediate release, as there can be no guarantee of his safety while he is held in an Israeli jail.The Israeli Prison Service did not respond to requests for comment on Barghouti's treatment. The Palestinian leader's son, Arab Barghouti, thanked artists speaking up for his father and called for others to join the campaign to free him, citing the critical role artists played in the movement to free Mandela and end apartheid in South Africa.

US President Donald Trump has indicated that peace talks between the US and Iran could potentially resume in Islamabad within the next two days. He expressed his appreciation for Pakistan's army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, describing him as doing a 'great job' in facilitating the negotiations.Trump made these comments while speaking to a New York Post reporter who had been in Islamabad for the initial round of ceasefire talks over the weekend. The president suggested that the talks could take place in Islamabad, stating, 'You should stay there, really, because something could be happening over the next two days, and we're more inclined to go there.'The possible resumption of talks comes after a period of heightened tensions, including a US naval blockade on ships using Iranian ports in the Gulf. This move was a response to Iran's near-total closure of the Strait of Hormuz to ships using other Gulf ports. The blockade led to a spike in oil prices, which later dipped to about $95 per barrel following reports of potential new negotiations.Meanwhile, US Vice-President JD Vance has expressed openness to further talks, emphasizing the need for Iran to show more flexibility. Vance noted that Iran had shown some flexibility in Islamabad but 'didn't move far enough' on key issues, such as a 20-year suspension of uranium enrichment.An Iranian official accused the US delegation of making 'maximalist demands' at the Islamabad talks, asserting that Iran would not surrender its positions either on the battlefield or at the negotiating table. The sticking points include Iran's stockpile of highly enriched uranium (HEU) and its demand for a shorter moratorium on uranium enrichment.Pakistan's Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, is set to embark on a regional tour to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar to garner support for the peace process and discuss proposals to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. However, his trip may be shortened if negotiations resume promptly.