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The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Ben Roberts-Smith, a 47-year-old former Australian special forces soldier and Victoria Cross recipient, has been granted bail after spending 10 days in prison. He was arrested in Sydney last week and charged with murdering five people in Afghanistan between 2009 and 2012.Roberts-Smith, who was heralded as an Australian war hero and even honoured as the nation’s “father of the year,” denies all charges. The alleged crimes include the murder of unarmed Afghan prisoners by Australian troops. He faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment if found guilty.The Australian Federal Police (AFP) Commissioner Krissy Barrett stated that “it will be alleged the victims were not taking part in hostilities at the time of their alleged murder in Afghanistan.” The prosecution will also allege that the victims were shot by Roberts-Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders and in his presence.Roberts-Smith's reputation was called into question in 2018 when news reports linked him to the alleged murder of unarmed Afghan prisoners. A judge found in 2023 that many of the journalists’ claims were “substantially true.”Australia deployed 39,000 troops to Afghanistan over two decades as part of US and NATO-led operations against the Taliban and other armed groups.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan has led to a staggering number of births, with 5.6 million children born since the start of the war in April 2023. This translates to 5,000 children a day being born in a country where millions are struggling to survive on just one meal a day.Save the Children has warned that these children are born in overcrowded shelters, under-equipped or damaged health facilities, or while their families are on the move. The charity's country director for Sudan, Mohamed Abdiladif, emphasized that children have a right to receive care and protection, even in conflict.The conflict, which began on April 15, 2023, has killed tens of thousands of people, displaced 12 million, and spawned the world's worst humanitarian crisis, according to the United Nations. Both sides have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity, while the RSF has been implicated in atrocities in the vast Darfur region.The healthcare system in Sudan has been pushed to the edge, with widespread violence and attacks on civilian infrastructure straining the country's already fragile healthcare system. The rate of maternal deaths during childbirth has increased by more than 12 percent, from 263 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 2022 to 295 per 100,000 in 2025.Save the Children has called for all parties involved in the conflict to ensure the protection of civilians and allow access to reach families in urgent need of assistance.

Donald Trump's military approach against Iran has backfired, emboldening the country rather than weakening it. The 16-hour talks in Pakistan, led by JD Vance, failed to extract a quick accord, highlighting the complexity of issues between Washington and Tehran. The Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, had sold the war to Trump as an opportunity for regime change. However, Trump's plan had no clear strategy beyond killing senior Iranian officials, which only strengthened hardliners within the regime. Trump's goal of destroying Iran's military capacity has also failed. US intelligence indicates that Iran's ability to replenish its missiles and drones remains considerable. Furthermore, Iran is causing significant damage to Gulf states. The main issue remains Iran's nuclear program. The 2015 accord, negotiated by Barack Obama, had required Iran to limit its nuclear activities, but Trump withdrew from the deal in 2018. Today, Iran has nearly 900lb of highly enriched uranium, which could be further refined into a nuclear bomb. Trump's aggressive approach has handed Iran a new weapon: the ability to close the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for international shipping. This move could wreak havoc on the world economy and give Iran significant revenue through tolls. The article concludes that diplomacy is the only viable solution to the conflict. Negotiation requires compromise and give-and-take, which Trump has so far resisted. The stakes are high, with the potential for genocide and massive war crimes. The door to a deal remains open, but it demands a willingness to negotiate in good faith.

US Vice‑President JD Vance addressed a podium in Pakistan, confirming that after a marathon 21‑hour negotiation no settlement had been secured to end the conflict with Iran. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump was in Miami watching a mixed‑martial‑arts fight, a stark contrast that underscored the administration’s focus on spectacle over substantive diplomacy. The breakdown was not accidental. Washington insists Iran must relinquish any capacity to develop a nuclear weapon, whereas Tehran maintains its right to a civilian nuclear programme and rejects the notion of a weapons agenda. The US “final and best offer” demanded a complete surrender of that capability, a condition more akin to imposing victory than fostering negotiation. Compounding the impasse, the United States sought unrestricted navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery for global energy supplies. Iran, however, pressed for transit fees, lifted sanctions, unfrozen assets, reparations, and a broader regional cease‑fire. The divergent demands meant that a single round of talks could not bridge the gap, resulting in negotiations devoid of trust and a war without a clear resolution. Historical wisdom, echoed by Winston Churchill’s famous remark that "jaw‑jaw is better than war‑war", highlights the high cost of continued fighting. Ironically, the current US‑Iran dispute revolves around a nuclear programme that was once restrained by a deal the Trump administration later abrogated, and a maritime route that the same administration helped ignite by launching the conflict. The fragile cease‑fire’s survival now hinges not only on Washington and Tehran but also on Israel’s expanding offensive in southern Lebanon against Hezbollah, an operation that has drawn accusations of war crimes and threatens to widen the regional conflagration. Financial markets are unlikely to react positively to recent developments. American voters are already feeling the impact of surging fuel prices, and Trump’s consideration of a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz could exacerbate the situation. Disrupting a route that carries roughly one‑fifth of global oil would push prices higher, with ripple effects far beyond the Gulf. The current cease‑fire is set to expire in just over a week. While diplomatic talks have not formally ended, a stalemate persists and the logic of escalation is gaining traction. Iran appears unlikely to concede, opting instead to test US resolve at sea. Seasonal heat may limit a full‑scale ground offensive for now, but the risk of a shift toward naval confrontations, airstrikes, and proxy warfare looms, offering no winners—only further loss.

Donald Trump's approach to the Iran war has led to a significant escalation of threats, including genocidal rhetoric and war crimes. His strategy has been marked by intimidation and vicious threats, crossing an inviolable red line of international law.Trump's war was initially expected to be over within days, with Iran's complete capitulation. However, the Iranians gained superior leverage by controlling the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global oil shipments. This led to a significant increase in maritime insurance premiums and a decline in traffic.Despite his initial confidence, Trump escalated his rhetoric, threatening to target civilian infrastructure, including power plants and oil fields. His doctrine of war crimes was echoed by his Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, who advocated for maximum lethality and authority for warfighters.Trump's threats culminated in a tweet on April 5, in which he stated, "Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. Open the Fuckin' Strait, you crazy bastards, or you'll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH. Praise be to Allah." This incitement to genocide was a war crime and a violation of numerous treaties ratified by the United States, including the Geneva Convention and the Genocide Convention.The article concludes that Trump's actions demonstrate a descent into international lawlessness and a disregard for human life. His blatant disregard for international law and human rights has significant implications for global stability and security.

Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari – an Iranian‑American representative from Arizona – publicly labeled President Donald Trump an “evil human being” who aspires to be an emperor, and urged that he be removed from office in light of the escalating war with Iran. Ansari, whose parents fled the Iranian regime in the 1970s, issued a statement after Trump’s threat to annihilate Iran’s civilization was followed by a tentative two‑week cease‑fire. She expressed relief for the 90 million Iranians who had spent a harrowing day fearing a nuclear catastrophe. In a phone interview, the 34‑year‑old lawmaker described Trump as “mentally unstable, deeply troubled, and solely self‑interested,” adding that his policies have stripped basic services from average Americans while enriching his family. Ansari warned that Trump’s rhetoric – promising an “America first” stance yet launching strikes on seven nations – constitutes a clear danger to both Iran and the United States, and she called for the cabinet or Congress to intervene under the 25th Amendment. She cited a series of controversial foreign‑policy moves, including the alleged illegal kidnapping of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, threats to seize Greenland, erosion of NATO credibility, and talk of taking over Cuba. In Iran, she argued, the administration has already committed war crimes by targeting schools, bridges and hospitals. Ansari also highlighted the broader humanitarian fallout: destroyed civilian infrastructure, a collapsing economy, soaring food‑security risks, and mass starvation. She relayed a conversation with a young Iranian doctor who described doubled prices and a dire economic outlook, urging the U.S. to cease attacks on civilian targets. Beyond Trump, the congresswoman announced plans to introduce articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, accusing him of repeatedly violating his oath by facilitating war‑crimes. She criticized Vice‑President JD Vance for not mobilising the cabinet to remove Trump, and warned that the current crisis represents a “five‑alarm‑fire moment” unprecedented in modern American history. Ansari’s remarks come amid a shifting Iranian diaspora sentiment. While some Iranian‑American groups initially celebrated the war’s onset, many now view the U.S. and Israeli bombing campaigns as counter‑productive, fearing they bolster the hard‑line regime. Following the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the regime’s grip appears tighter, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei assuming leadership. Ansari stressed that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps remains entrenched, and that the regime continues to exploit civilian suffering for propaganda. She concluded by urging Americans to recognise Iran’s rich cultural heritage and to reject the notion that bombing will liberate its people, emphasizing that the United States must avoid actions that only strengthen an authoritarian government.

George Clooney has publicly denounced Donald Trump's threat to Iran that 'a whole civilization will die tonight', labeling it a war crime. Speaking to 3,000 high school students in Cuneo, Italy, Clooney emphasized that making such threats crosses a line of decency.'Some say Donald Trump is fine,' the 64-year-old actor stated. 'But if anyone says he wants to end a civilization, that's a war crime. You can still support the conservative point of view but there must be a line of decency, and we must not cross it.'The White House responded through communications director Steven Cheung, who retorted: 'The only person committing war crimes is George Clooney for his awful movies and terrible acting ability.'Clooney, a longtime Democratic supporter and donor, has been vocal about his political views for decades. He has previously criticized Trump, who has responded with personal attacks against Clooney.In a statement, Clooney referenced the Genocide Convention and the Rome Statute, defining a war crime as 'when there is intent to physically destroy a nation.' He challenged the administration to defend their stance.The ongoing feud between Clooney and Trump has been marked by public criticisms and counter-attacks. Despite their political differences, Clooney mentioned once being on good terms with Trump before his presidency.