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The US Stance on Iran's Enriched Uranium President Donald Trump has warned that the United States will target any Iranian trying to reach the country’s highly enriched uranium, saying that the nuclear material is under constant surveillance by the US military. Trump's Claims on Uranium Surveillance In an interview with the syndicated TV show Full Measure that aired on Sunday, Trump appeared to play down the significance of the uranium, which is believed to be buried under the rubble of nuclear facilities, remaining in Iran for now. “We’ll get that at some point, whenever we want. We have it surveilled,” Trump said. “I did a thing called Space Force, and they are watching. If somebody walked in, they can tell you his name, his address, the number of his badge … If anybody got near the place, we will know about it, and we’ll blow them up.” The Data Analysis: Uranium Stockpile and Enrichment Levels Iran is estimated to have more than 400kg (882lb) of uranium enriched at 60 percent purity. Uranium enrichment is a complex process of isolating and garnering the most radioactive variety – isotope – of the element to produce nuclear fuel. When enriched to around 90 percent purity, uranium can be used to make nuclear weapons. The Impact Analysis: US-Iran Ceasefire Negotiations Iran’s highly enriched uranium is one of the major sticking points between Washington and Tehran in ceasefire negotiations to end the 10-week US-Israel war on Iran. The US wants Iran to transfer the uranium outside the country and completely shut down its nuclear programme, but Tehran has stressed that it will not give up its right to a domestic enrichment programme. The Prediction: Future of US-Iran Relations Despite the truce that came into effect last month, skirmishes have erupted in the Gulf over the past week as the US continues to enforce a siege on Iranian ports amid Tehran’s Hormuz blockade. Iranian state-affiliated news outlets reported on Sunday that Iran has delivered its response to the latest US proposal to end the war to Pakistan, which is mediating the talks. But Trump said the war is not over while reiterating his claim that Iran has been “defeated”.

The Surveillance Operation New Zealand’s military said a surveillance aircraft observed what it suspected was North Korea breaking international sanctions in a “possible ship-to-ship transfer of illicit goods”, while conducting monitoring over the Yellow Sea and East China Sea. Details of the Incident The exchange of goods at sea between vessels was captured by one of its long-range P-8A Poseidon reconnaissance aircraft in international waters near North Korea. The surveillance aircraft was patrolling for possible North Korean violations of United Nations sanctions at sea. The exchange was observed among 35 “vessels of interest” in the area. Implications of the Breach “The evidence captured of activities that were occurring in the East China and Yellow Seas allows authorities to take action against ships that may still be operating in contravention of [UN resolutions],” New Zealand’s Air Component Commander, Air Commodore Andy Scott, said in a statement. Background on North Korea Sanctions North Korea has been under UN sanctions since 2006 after carrying out its first nuclear weapons test. UN sanctions were significantly expanded in 2016 and 2017 to include a range of exports and ship-to-ship transfers. North Korea typically uses ships to smuggle refined petroleum imports and to export its coal, iron ore and sand, which help fund its nuclear and ballistic missile programmes. Despite the restrictions, North Korea continues to trade goods with a handful of countries, including China, Iran, and Russia. New Zealand's Role in Enforcement New Zealand has been a member of the US-led Pacific Security Maritime Exchange since 2018, which monitors North Korea’s violation of international sanctions through smuggling and illicit maritime activity.

Summit Opens Amid Escalating US‑Israel Military ActionThe NPT review conference began in New York under the shadow of a tentative cease‑fire between United States and Iran. Negotiators are focused on Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile—its size, location, and future disposition—while fresh US‑Israeli strikes have already rattled the diplomatic atmosphere.Key Figures, Historical Context, and Numbers Shaping the DebateBadr Albusaidi, Omani Foreign Minister, announced Iran’s commitment to “zero accumulation” and full IAEA verification on Feb 27.The NPT has 191 member states; five are recognized nuclear‑weapon states: US, Russia, China, UK, France.Iran’s JCPOA limits cut its stockpile by 98% to 300 kg and capped enrichment at 3.67%.By early 2025 Iran was enriching to 60%, the highest level for a non‑nuclear‑weapon state.Israel, the only Middle‑East nuclear power, is not a signatory to the NPT and maintains a policy of deliberate opacity.Why the NPT’s Credibility Is at StakeAnalysts such as Sahar Khan argue the treaty’s “grand bargain” is breaking down because nuclear‑weapon states are modernising arsenals while failing to meet disarmament commitments. Hossein Mousavian highlights inconsistent enforcement and the lack of decisive UN or IAEA responses to attacks on nuclear facilities, fostering a perception of a politicised regime.Historical precedents—like the 2000 review conference before the 2003‑2011 Iraq war—show how major conflicts can erode faith in arms‑control frameworks. The emergence of the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons further signals frustration with the NPT’s perceived double standards.Potential Outcomes and Scenarios for the Review ConferenceStalemate: Parties issue vague, non‑binding language, continuing the status‑quo of weak enforcement.Limited Consensus: Agreement on incremental verification steps for Iran’s stockpile without addressing broader disarmament.Breakthrough: Adoption of stronger mechanisms to curb nuclear‑weapon states’ modernization, though this is deemed unlikely by experts like Tariq Rauf.Past conferences (1995, 2000, 2010) have produced agreements that were quickly diluted, suggesting a similar pattern may repeat.Looking Ahead: The Future of Global Non‑ProliferationIf the NPT cannot adapt to the current geopolitical reality—marked by US‑Israel military pressure on Iran and the ongoing Russia‑Ukraine war—its relevance may diminish, prompting more states to seek alternatives such as the nuclear‑prohibition treaty. Conversely, a modest consensus on verification could preserve the treaty’s core framework, buying time for diplomatic breakthroughs.

The Diplomatic Pivot in TehranAs the two-month conflict between the United States and Iran enters its 59th day, the strategic landscape is shifting from kinetic warfare to high-stakes diplomacy. The central narrative is no longer just the exchange of fire, but the desperate diplomatic shuttle aimed at de-escalation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has moved rapidly from Islamabad to Muscat and now to Saint Petersburg, signaling a coordinated effort to secure a diplomatic exit strategy.Araghchi’s Moscow Mission and the US Conditional OfferThe core of the current diplomatic push involves a complex interplay of regional actors and high-level negotiations. Araghchi is expected to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss bilateral ties and the ongoing US-Israel war on Iran. This meeting is critical as it places Russia at the center of potential mediation efforts.Araghchi’s Schedule: The Foreign Minister arrived in Saint Petersburg early Monday, aiming to secure a framework for negotiations.US Stance: President Donald Trump has signaled a conditional willingness to negotiate, stating Iran can telephone if it wishes to end the conflict, though he reiterated that Tehran cannot possess nuclear weapons.Russia’s Role: Russian envoy Mikhail Ulyanov has warned that the US must abandon "blackmailing" and "ultimatums" if talks are to progress.The Strategic Stalemate: Nuclear Ambitions and the Strait of HormuzThe data points defining the stalemate are stark and alarming. The conflict is currently trapped between two intractable issues: Iran's nuclear ambitions and the control of the Strait of Hormuz.Strategic Blockade: The Strait of Hormuz remains under a de facto Iranian blockade, a move the IRGC claims is a "definitive strategy" to maintain deterrent effects.Human Cost: On the ground, the conflict has claimed at least 14 lives in southern Lebanon on Sunday alone, including women and children, despite a US-brokered ceasefire.Nuclear Sticking Point: Both sides remain deadlocked on the issue of Iran's nuclear program, which serves as the primary trigger for the US military involvement.Regional Escalation: The Lebanon FrontThe diplomatic maneuvering in Moscow is happening against a backdrop of severe regional instability. The conflict is spilling over into Lebanon, where the situation is deteriorating rapidly.Israeli Operations: Israeli forces have raided southern Lebanon, cutting off roads and intensifying strikes.Hezbollah's Response: The militant group has rejected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's accusations of jeopardizing the ceasefire, framing its attacks as a "legitimate response" to continued Israeli violations.Outlook: A Fragile Path to NegotiationThe immediate future of the Iran war hinges on whether the diplomatic shuttle in Moscow can translate into a concrete framework. While the US has left the door open for a phone call, the conditions—specifically regarding the nuclear program and the Strait of Hormuz—remain largely unchanged. The coming days will determine if the diplomatic efforts in Russia can bridge the gap between the US's military posture and Iran's strategic demands, or if the violence in Lebanon will force a return to open warfare.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

US President Donald Trump has expressed optimism about a potential nuclear deal with Iran, stating that the two countries are close to an agreement. He claimed that Iran has agreed to halt its nuclear weapons program and return its stockpile of enriched uranium.However, Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs presents a different picture. Spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei stated that Iran must be able to continue enrichment based on its needs, contradicting Trump's claims. No Iranian official has confirmed agreeing to surrender the country's enriched uranium stockpile.Pakistan is playing a crucial role in mediating between the US and Iran. Pakistani army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir held high-level meetings in Tehran with Iranian leaders, including Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and President Masoud Pezeshkian. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is also engaged in parallel diplomacy with Gulf leaders in Saudi Arabia and Qatar.The US and Iran have different interpretations of the negotiations. Trump's comments suggest a maximalist reading of the negotiating process, while Iran's position remains firm on its sovereign right to enrichment. The April 22 ceasefire deadline adds urgency to the talks.Analysts suggest that any agreement may hinge on deliberate ambiguity, allowing both sides to claim a 'win' on the nuclear issue. The shifting goalposts and evolving US objectives have also contributed to the complexity of the negotiations.

Recent talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran collapsed, reflecting the stark mismatch between the United States' 15‑point proposal and Iran's 10‑point counter‑offer. The brief negotiations, led by U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, failed to bridge core disagreements on nuclear policy and regional security. Vance attributed the breakdown to Iran's outright rejection of U.S. terms, while President Donald Trump responded by imposing a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Such a blockade is legally an act of war, raising the specter of Iranian retaliation against Gulf monarchies and a sharp spike in global oil, diesel, and LNG prices. Both sides, however, have not ruled out renewed negotiations. Pakistan and Egypt are quietly mediating, recognizing that a renewed conflict would deepen President Trump's domestic challenges—rising inflation, declining poll numbers, and the approaching midterm elections—while also exacerbating Iran's economic hardship and social unrest. The proposed diplomatic framework focuses on three pillars: Limited uranium enrichment: The U.S. would acknowledge Iran's right, under the Non‑Proliferation Treaty, to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, capping enrichment at 3.67% (the 2015 JCPOA limit). Monitoring would be conducted by the IAEA through electronic and on‑site inspections, with a potential 20‑year renewable agreement. Sanctions relief and asset release: In exchange for Iran dropping its demand for war reparations, the United States would lift primary and secondary sanctions and unfreeze all Iranian assets. Additionally, Iran would be authorized to levy a $2 million fee per oil tanker transiting Hormuz, shared with Oman, provided it guarantees innocent passage under a multinational oversight coalition that includes Russia and China. Security guarantees: Iran would issue a written pledge not to develop nuclear weapons, echoing the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s injunction. Simultaneously, the U.S. and UN Security Council would endorse a non‑aggression pact between the two nations, with parallel agreements possible for Gulf states. For the plan to succeed, three conditions must be met: Washington must make genuine concessions; President Trump must extend the 22 April cease‑fire deadline and allow sufficient time for complex negotiations; and any Israeli offensive against Iran must be avoided, as it would jeopardize the entire process. Rajan Menon, professor emeritus of international relations at CUNY’s Powell School and senior research fellow at Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute, outlines this pragmatic approach as a means to avert a full‑scale war and secure a durable peace in the Middle East.

A Pakistani delegation headed by Army Chief General Asim Munir arrived in Tehran on Wednesday, bearing a fresh message from Washington and urging the launch of a second round of negotiations between the United States and Iran. The effort comes as the two‑week ceasefire that halted hostilities last week is set to expire on April 22, leaving a narrow window to end a war that has claimed more than 4,000 lives across the Middle East, primarily in Iran and Lebanon. The initial round of talks, held in Islamabad on April 11‑12, marked the most significant direct engagement between Washington and Tehran in decades. Mediated by Pakistan, the sessions lasted over 20 hours and featured both indirect and direct exchanges between U.S. Vice President JD Vance and senior Iranian officials led by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. Despite covering core issues—nuclear programme, sanctions relief, frozen assets and control of the Strait of Hormuz—the talks concluded without a memorandum, with Vance asserting that Iran “did not accept our terms” and that the U.S. requires a “fundamental commitment” to forego nuclear weapons. President Donald Trump has described the conflict as “very close to being over” and hinted that a second round could resume within days, possibly in Islamabad. However, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is currently on a four‑day tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey to rally regional backing, making a rapid return to Islamabad uncertain. U.S. officials have offered an “in‑principle” agreement to extend the ceasefire, yet a Reuters‑cited source confirmed that Washington has not formally committed to an extension. Meanwhile, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed optimism, stating that “there can be no negotiating with clenched fists.” Key sticking points remain: Nuclear programme: The United States and Israel demand a complete halt to uranium enrichment, accusing Iran of weaponization despite a lack of public evidence. Iran maintains its enrichment is for civilian use and cites its obligations under the 1970 Non‑Proliferation Treaty. Strait of Hormuz: One‑fifth of global oil and LNG passes through this chokepoint. Since the February strikes, shipping through the strait has dropped by 95 %. Iran permits passage for “non‑hostile” vessels and seeks the right to levy tolls, while the U.S. insists on unrestricted navigation. Lebanon/Hezbollah: Iran demands that Israel cease its offensive against Hezbollah. While Tehran claims the ceasefire covers Lebanon, both the United States and Israel reject this, and Israel continues attacks on Hezbollah positions. Complicating the diplomatic landscape, President Trump announced a naval blockade of Iranian ports, adding pressure on Tehran and potentially hindering any imminent talks. With the ceasefire deadline looming and regional actors issuing mixed signals, the prospects for a renewed U.S.–Iran dialogue hinge on whether Pakistan can secure a consensus among the parties before the window closes.

As millions of Americans rush to file their taxes on Tax Day, a new report reveals that the average US household spent $4,049 on military-related spending in 2025, up from $3,707 in 2024. This increase comes as Donald Trump pushes for a 40% increase in federal defense spending, despite growing concerns over rising living costs and government expenditure.The report by the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) thinktank found that military-related spending in 2025 includes about $1,870 going to Pentagon contractors, $770 to military personnel, $130 for nuclear weapons, and $57 for aid to foreign militaries. The spending does not account for the cost of the US-Israeli war with Iran, which began in February 2026 and has already exceeded $11.3bn in the first six days alone.The IPS report highlights that these enormous sums for the Pentagon and militarism come with enormous costs to ordinary people – both in terms of the opportunity cost for other programs and the drain on their wallets. The analysis is based on an average 'tax filing unit' with a total taxable income of $104,000.Americans have filed their taxes this year amid growing public concern over cost of living, taxes, and government spending. A recent Fox News poll found that 70% of registered voters surveyed believe their taxes are too high, up 11 points from last year. The same poll also found that 29% of registered voters said they were concerned with 'how the government spends their tax dollars.'Beyond military spending, the report estimates that $2,492 of the average taxpayer's federal income tax went to Medicaid, $2,207 to Medicare, and $31 to substance abuse and mental health programs. The report also found that the average taxpayer paid about $396 for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (Snap) and $607 for the Department of Education.The data has significant implications for the economy, as US inflation surged in March with prices up 0.9% compared with last month and 3.3% over the year, amid the US-Israel war with Iran. The University of Michigan's consumer confidence survey recorded a 10.7% drop to its lowest level on record.