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The latest Cannes lineup reveals a clear pivot from the usual Hollywood glamour toward a roster dominated by celebrated world‑cinema auteurs such as Pedro Almodóvar, Cristian Mungiu and Asghar Farhadi. While last year’s festival was anchored by a Mission: Impossible spectacle starring Tom Cruise, this edition offers a more eclectic mix, including debut features from Andy Garcia (who also stars in his crime drama Diamond) and John Travolta, who directs the aviation‑themed Propeller One‑Way Night Coach based on his own novel.Under the stewardship of director Thierry Frémaux, Cannes continues to bar films that are exclusive to streaming platforms, a stance that has been vindicated by recent Oscar successes for festival selections. The festival also entered the AI debate: Steven Soderbergh’s documentary John Lennon: The Last Interview employs artificial intelligence to reconstruct visual elements of the legendary interview, sparking both fascination and unease among attendees.Gender representation remains skewed, with a noticeable predominance of male directors in the competition slate, although the final list is still pending. Notably absent are any British filmmakers, despite the inclusion of Polish auteur Paweł Pawlikowski, whose biopic of Thomas Mann, Fatherland, could be loosely claimed as a UK entry given his long residence there.Geopolitical undercurrents are hard to ignore. Russian director Andrey Zvyagintsev returns with Minotaur, a film about a beleaguered Russian businessman. Zvyagintsev, once favored by Vladimir Putin, now lives in exile in France, adding a layer of political intrigue to his work amid the ongoing war in Ukraine.The competition also features a strong historical thread: László Nemes’s Moulin revisits occupied France, Emmanuel Marre’s Notre Salut explores Vichy‑era France, and Lukas Dhont’s Coward follows a Belgian soldier’s harrowing experience in World‑I trenches.Among the more provocative entries, Nicolas Winding Refn’s Her Private Hell promises shock value in the out‑of‑competition slot, while the Un Certain Regard section showcases Jane Schoenbrun’s queer slasher Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma, likely to become a festival highlight.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

Bangladesh has taken a significant step in its cricket governance by dissolving its cricket board, citing gross irregularities in the 2025 election. The move has led to the appointment of an interim leadership, headed by former captain Tamim Iqbal, who at 39 becomes the youngest head of Bangladesh cricket.The decision comes after a committee under the National Sports Council found significant irregularities in the Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB) election held in October 2025, which was won by former national captain Aminul Islam Bulbul. The committee's findings led to the dissolution of the BCB committee, with a letter sent to the International Cricket Council confirming the decision.Tamim Iqbal, who has scored more than 15,000 runs for Bangladesh in a 15-year career, will lead an 11-member ad hoc committee. The committee is required to hold elections within three months. This development occurs as Bangladesh is set to host New Zealand in a tour featuring three one-day internationals, three ‌T20s ‌and two Tests starting on April 17.The changes in Bangladesh cricket's governance come at a time when the sport is playing a crucial role in rebuilding relations with neighboring India. The decision to dissolve the board and appoint a new interim leadership is seen as a move to rebuild trust and ensure the smooth functioning of cricket in the country.

U.S. Vice President JD Vance touched down in Budapest on Tuesday for a two‑day series of bilateral meetings, a move the White House billed as a show of support for Prime Minister Viktor Orban ahead of Hungary’s April 12 parliamentary election. Orban’s Fidesz Party faces its toughest test in more than a decade, with recent polls indicating the opposition enjoys an 8‑12 percentage‑point advantage, and some surveys showing a lead as high as 20 points. Princeton sociologist Kim Lane Scheppele warned that Vance’s visit, while symbolically important, is unlikely to significantly alter the electoral math. “One visit by a relatively low‑profile American vice president is not going to change that,” she said. Nevertheless, the trip underscores the close ties between the Trump administration and Orban. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban in February, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Hungary that same month, signaling U.S. backing for the right‑wing leader. Orban’s 16‑year rule has been marked by the erosion of judicial independence and media freedom, reforms that critics argue tilt the electoral system in Fidesz’s favour. Yet the opposition, led by 45‑year‑old former Fidesz insider Peter Magyar of the Tisza Party, is rallying around anti‑corruption and economic grievances. Magyar’s campaign promises a more constructive relationship with the European Union, hoping to restore billions of euros in funding suspended in 2022 over democratic backsliding. He positions himself as centre‑right, sharing many of Orban’s policy stances but rejecting the incumbent’s alleged corruption. “Magyar is centre‑right; he’s basically a believer in much of what Orban has done, minus the corruption,” Scheppele noted, adding that his eurosceptic leanings could still facilitate the return of EU money. The Hungarian‑U.S. connection extends beyond politics to financial incentives. Scheppele highlighted that Trump has hinted—though not formally promised—a fiscal safety net for Orban if he wins, reminiscent of U.S. aid pledges made to right‑wing allies in Argentina’s 2025 elections. “If Vance makes that kind of announcement, it could be a real game‑changer,” she warned, suggesting that a concrete U.S. financial commitment could bolster Orban’s standing in the final days of the campaign. Orban’s appeal to the U.S. far right has been evident since Hungary hosted the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in 2024, where Trump lauded him as a defender of “Western civilisation.” The personal rapport between Orban’s political director and Vance—evident in a 2024 photo captioned ‘A Trump‑Vance administration sounds just right’—further cements this transatlantic alliance. As the election approaches, the key question remains whether symbolic diplomatic support or a tangible financial pledge will prove decisive in a race where domestic issues—corruption, social services, and economic stagnation— dominate voter concerns.

The Bay FC forward Keira Barry has earned her first senior England cap, being named by manager Sarina Wiegman for the Women’s World Cup qualifying matches against Spain and Iceland. She joins Chelsea full‑back Niamh Charles, who has recovered from a recent injury, in the squad.The selections come after London City Lionesses striker Freya Godfrey withdrew due to a shoulder problem. Barry, a product of the Manchester United academy, was promoted from the Under‑23s and has previously turned out for Crystal Palace and Sunderland before signing with Bay FC in February.At 20 years old, Barry has already featured in four NWSL matches, netting a goal against the North Carolina Courage in March, underscoring her rapid adaptation to the American league.The England squad will convene at St George’s Park on Tuesday to begin preparations for hosting the world champions Spain at Wembley on 14 April, before traveling to Reykjavik for the Iceland fixture four days later.

The recent commentary on Donald Trump's presidency has highlighted a critical concern: the world cannot afford to wait for him to leave office. Trump's administration has effectively eroded central tenets of the US legal and civic structure, rendering the traditional checks and balances on political power ineffective.Waiting for the downfall of one individual raises two crucial questions. Firstly, will others with similar politics simply take his place? Secondly, if the country and the world wish to move in a different direction, when can we expect to see a plan?It is essential to remember that changes brought about by Trump's presidency cannot always be easily abolished or replaced. The implications of his actions, and those of his administration, are far-reaching and have significant consequences for global stability.Some argue that faith in the November midterm elections may be too optimistic, as Trump and his administration are already preparing to undermine them. The concern is that he will not allow himself to lose.Others suggest that the media and public have a role to play in puncturing Trump's pride and casting doubt on his legacy. Keeping a running count of the death toll of civilians, children, aid workers, and journalists killed since his presidency began could be one way to hold him accountable.The situation has drawn comparisons to the fall of the Roman Empire, with some warning that the current instability could lead to a similar collapse of political structures. As such, there is an urgent need for a plan to address the consequences of Trump's actions and to work towards a more stable future.

Fans flooded Madison Square Garden on April 6, 2026, to witness the Professional Women's Hockey League (PWHL) shatter the United States' women's hockey attendance record. The packed arena highlighted a surge in interest for the sport, with spectators filling every available seat.According to The Guardian, the event not only set a new benchmark for attendance but also demonstrated the league's expanding market appeal. Breaking previous records signals a pivotal moment for women's professional hockey, suggesting stronger commercial opportunities and increased media coverage.League officials and players hailed the milestone as a testament to years of grassroots development and strategic promotion. The record‑setting crowd reflects broader trends of rising viewership for women's sports across the United States.While exact figures were not disclosed in the brief report, the achievement is expected to influence future venue selections, sponsorship deals, and broadcast negotiations for the PWHL.