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Former President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio arrived at Miami’s Kaseya Center shortly after 9 p.m. on Saturday to watch a UFC card, joining UFC president Dana White and several members of the Trump family. Seated nearby were U.S. ambassador to India Sergio Gor, rapper Vanilla Ice and former FBI deputy director Dan Bongino. The crowd greeted Trump enthusiastically as a Kid Rock track blared, and he exchanged handshakes and smiles with fans and the broadcast crew, which included podcaster Joe Rogan. While the fights unfolded, Vice‑President JD Vance told reporters that the diplomatic mission in Pakistan aimed at ending the conflict with Iran had broken down. He noted that Iran’s refusal to renounce its nuclear ambitions remained the chief obstacle, stating, "We need an affirmative commitment that Iran will not seek a nuclear weapon or the tools to achieve one quickly." Despite the diplomatic setback, Trump appeared focused on the cage action, occasionally leaning toward Rubio to discuss matters on his phone. After the co‑main event victory of Paulo Costa over Azamat Murzakanov, the champion approached the former president for a handshake. Trump’s family members at the venue included his children Ivanka, Tiffany and Donald Jr.; Ivanka’s husband Jared Kushner was in Pakistan with Vance for the failed talks. UFC has long been a platform that bolsters Trump’s appeal among young, male audiences. The promotion recently announced a special event at the White House slated for 14 June—coinciding with Trump’s 80th birthday—to commemorate the United States’ 250th anniversary. According to White, a bout featuring Josh Hokit was added to the June card at Trump’s request, with both White and Rogan confirming the arrangement. Vance emphasized that the United States remains committed to securing a binding Iranian pledge against nuclear weapon development, framing it as the core objective of the administration’s foreign policy agenda.

Pakistan dispatched a mixed fleet of fighter and support aircraft to King Abdulaziz Air Base in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province on Saturday, marking the first visible military action under the mutual defence agreement signed in September 2025. The Saudi Ministry of Defence confirmed the landing, noting the deployment aligns with the collective defence clause that obliges each signatory to treat an attack on the other as an attack on itself. At the same time, Islamabad is hosting direct US‑Iran negotiations aimed at halting weeks of regional fighting triggered by Iran’s missile and drone strikes on Gulf targets after the US‑Israeli killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar told reporters he personally warned Iranian leaders in early March that Pakistan must honour its obligations to Riyadh. Tehran, seeking assurances that Saudi soil would not be used for attacks against it, received such guarantees, Dar added. Despite these diplomatic overtures, Iranian attacks on Saudi facilities – including key bases and a US embassy building – have persisted. In early March, Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, flew to Riyadh to discuss measures to curb Iranian strikes within the framework of the defence pact. Four days before the jet deployment, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif phoned Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, pledging that Pakistan would stand “shoulder to shoulder” with Saudi Arabia. The two leaders also agreed to accelerate a $5 billion Saudi investment package earmarked for Pakistan. Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed al‑Jadaan met Sharif, Dar and Munir in Islamabad on Saturday, underscoring the economic dimension of the partnership. Saudi Arabia hosts roughly 2.5 million Pakistani workers, whose remittances are vital to Pakistan’s fragile economy, and has repeatedly provided financial assistance. Security analyst Imtiaz Gul told Al Jazeera the deployment was not intended as a military escalation but as a “messaging tool” to remind Tehran of Pakistan’s treaty obligations. “Three jets won’t make much of a difference militarily,” he said, noting Saudi Arabia’s own sizable air force. Michael Kugelman, senior fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council, described the move as “a risky gambit.” He warned that if Iran refuses concessions, Pakistan could be drawn closer to Saudi Arabia, potentially invoking the defence pact in a renewed conflict.

The new academic term began in Gaza in late March, but the usual bustle of students catching buses to campus has been replaced by the stark reality of displacement.Israel’s relentless campaign has turned most university buildings into rubble and shelters, forcing a shift to online learning that many students in tents cannot access due to lack of electricity, water, food and reliable internet.Against this backdrop, a glimmer of hope has emerged. In the overcrowded al‑Mawasi district of Khan Younis, the US‑based NGO Scholars Without Borders has erected a makeshift “University City,” a wooden and metal structure designed to bring students back into a real lecture hall."Our mission is to bring education closer to students in a better environment," said Hamza Abu Daqqa, the organisation’s Gaza representative.The facility houses six halls that can accommodate up to 600 students each day. Powered by solar panels, it offers internet access, improvised green spaces and even a small business incubator to help students explore entrepreneurial ideas.University City operates on a rotating weekly schedule, allocating each day to a different institution so that multiple universities can share the limited space. Priority is given to courses that require hands‑on instruction, such as practical labs and discussion‑based classes.Prominent Gaza institutions—including the Islamic University, Al‑Azhar University and the Palestine College of Nursing—have already begun using the site.For many students, this is the first time in years they have set foot in a space that feels like a real university. "When I saw this place, I was amazed," said 20‑year‑old nursing student Mariam Nasr, who fled Rafah and now travels four kilometres on foot to attend classes.Another first‑year student, Amr Muhammad, echoed the sentiment: "Being here with other students, discussing and engaging in class makes a huge difference."The broader picture remains grim. UN experts have labeled Israel’s systematic targeting of Gaza’s academic sector as “scholasticide.” More than 7,000 university students and staff have been killed or injured, and over 60 university buildings have been completely demolished, according to the Euro‑Med Human Rights Monitor.Materials for University City were sourced entirely within Gaza, a testament to the community’s resilience amid soaring costs and scarce resources. Yet the initiative is hampered by the same blockade that restricts reconstruction supplies, fuel and safe transport.Students still face daily hurdles: damaged roads, limited cash, and unreliable transport—often relying on worn‑out vehicles, donkey carts or long walks. "My father could only give me eight shekels (about $2.64) for a ride," Mariam explained, highlighting the economic strain.Even once inside the halls, challenges persist. Power outages and unstable internet make it difficult to print materials or follow online lectures, forcing many to rely on old phones and intermittent connections.Nevertheless, the atmosphere inside University City is one of determination. "For medical education, in‑person learning is essential," said Dr Essam Mughari of the Palestine College of Nursing. "Seeing students gather again restores something vital."For students like Mariam, the drive to continue studying is deeply personal. "My cousin, a nurse, was killed when an airstrike destroyed her family’s house. I study to heal others and honor her memory," she said.While University City now serves hundreds daily, thousands of Gaza’s students remain without comparable facilities. Abu Daqqa stresses that the project is only the beginning: "We have built dozens of makeshift schools, but the need is far greater. Imagine what could be done if the needed resources were allowed through."

Four months after Australia introduced its under‑16 social‑media ban, Sydney teenager Noah Jones says his online experience has been largely unchanged – he has not been removed from any platform.Jones recounts a brief hiccup on Instagram that he quickly resolved, and notes a friend who temporarily lost access to Snapchat but managed to circumvent it. "That’s pretty much my whole experience of the ban," he says.Despite his personal continuity, Jones is now a plaintiff in a High Court challenge mounted by the Digital Freedom Project, which argues the ban infringes the implied constitutional right to political communication.The eSafety Commissioner, Julie Inman‑Grant, recently disclosed that more than 5 million accounts have been deactivated since the policy’s rollout, yet over two‑thirds of teenagers remain active on the ten targeted platforms – Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube, X, Twitch, Kick, Threads and Reddit. Young users are reportedly bypassing facial‑age estimation tools, especially when they are within two years of turning 16.Further eSafety findings reveal that 66 % of parents say platforms did not request age verification, and when ages of 14 or 15 were detected, platforms often prompted users to undergo facial‑recognition checks and simply adjust the displayed age rather than enforce deactivation.Communications Minister Anika Wells has urged the commissioner to "throw the book at" non‑compliant services, noting that fines could reach up to $49.5 million per breach in federal court. However, any penalties are likely to be considered only after the High Court decides the law’s validity.Wells also pledged new legislation imposing a digital duty of care on platforms, obliging them to take reasonable steps to prevent harm. The bill is slated for parliamentary debate later this year.The Digital Freedom Project, led by NSW Libertarian MP John Ruddick, contends that banning under‑16s from holding accounts effectively silences their participation in political discourse, as logged‑out viewing does not permit meaningful engagement.Legal scholars are divided. Prof. Sarah Joseph of Griffith University warns that an ineffective law could breach the implied freedom of political communication, while Monash University’s Prof. Luke Beck argues that the law’s purpose is to compel platforms to enforce age restrictions, not to achieve 100 % compliance.Beck points out that most legislation is not perfectly effective – citing murder laws and age‑restricted media – and that courts typically assess whether a law is a proportionate means to a legitimate aim.The government acknowledges that the age limit imposes a burden on political communication but maintains the measure is justified to mitigate risks from algorithmic recommendation systems, endless feeds, and other features that can amplify harm.Jones will turn 16 in August, at which point the ban would no longer apply to him. His mother, Renee Jones, says she faced online backlash for opposing the ban, with some critics even suggesting her children be taken away."It’s my right to choose how I raise my children in a digital world," she asserts, emphasizing strict household rules: no devices in bedrooms, phones locked at night, and shared passwords for parental oversight.Jones acknowledges the downsides of social media – bullying and explicit content – but stresses that his generation relies on these platforms for news and forming opinions, more so than traditional media.Both Jones and his mother argue the legislation was rushed and is failing to address the core concerns about harmful content, leaving many teens, like Noah, to navigate the digital landscape largely unchanged despite the ban.

Congresswoman Yassamin Ansari – an Iranian‑American representative from Arizona – publicly labeled President Donald Trump an “evil human being” who aspires to be an emperor, and urged that he be removed from office in light of the escalating war with Iran. Ansari, whose parents fled the Iranian regime in the 1970s, issued a statement after Trump’s threat to annihilate Iran’s civilization was followed by a tentative two‑week cease‑fire. She expressed relief for the 90 million Iranians who had spent a harrowing day fearing a nuclear catastrophe. In a phone interview, the 34‑year‑old lawmaker described Trump as “mentally unstable, deeply troubled, and solely self‑interested,” adding that his policies have stripped basic services from average Americans while enriching his family. Ansari warned that Trump’s rhetoric – promising an “America first” stance yet launching strikes on seven nations – constitutes a clear danger to both Iran and the United States, and she called for the cabinet or Congress to intervene under the 25th Amendment. She cited a series of controversial foreign‑policy moves, including the alleged illegal kidnapping of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, threats to seize Greenland, erosion of NATO credibility, and talk of taking over Cuba. In Iran, she argued, the administration has already committed war crimes by targeting schools, bridges and hospitals. Ansari also highlighted the broader humanitarian fallout: destroyed civilian infrastructure, a collapsing economy, soaring food‑security risks, and mass starvation. She relayed a conversation with a young Iranian doctor who described doubled prices and a dire economic outlook, urging the U.S. to cease attacks on civilian targets. Beyond Trump, the congresswoman announced plans to introduce articles of impeachment against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, accusing him of repeatedly violating his oath by facilitating war‑crimes. She criticized Vice‑President JD Vance for not mobilising the cabinet to remove Trump, and warned that the current crisis represents a “five‑alarm‑fire moment” unprecedented in modern American history. Ansari’s remarks come amid a shifting Iranian diaspora sentiment. While some Iranian‑American groups initially celebrated the war’s onset, many now view the U.S. and Israeli bombing campaigns as counter‑productive, fearing they bolster the hard‑line regime. Following the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the regime’s grip appears tighter, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei assuming leadership. Ansari stressed that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps remains entrenched, and that the regime continues to exploit civilian suffering for propaganda. She concluded by urging Americans to recognise Iran’s rich cultural heritage and to reject the notion that bombing will liberate its people, emphasizing that the United States must avoid actions that only strengthen an authoritarian government.

The rapid advancement of artificial intelligence (AI) has led to a growing concern about who controls the companies behind these technologies. OpenAI, the creator of ChatGPT, is at the forefront of this discussion, with its products now integrated into various aspects of our lives, from smartphones to defense contracts and law enforcement. Investigative journalist Ronan Farrow's recent piece in The New Yorker has raised important questions about the power dynamics at OpenAI, particularly surrounding its billionaire founder and CEO, Sam Altman. Farrow's article suggests that Altman's leadership and the company's operations have sparked concerns about its growing influence and the potential risks associated with its technology. OpenAI's market valuation has reached an astonishing $852 billion, despite a projected loss of $14 billion in 2026. This commercial momentum has led to a significant expansion of its operations, including a deal with the US military to use its technology in classified operations. This move has raised eyebrows, especially given the company's own staff researchers' concerns that AI could be a "threat to humanity". The article also highlights the connections between OpenAI executives and political figures, including a $25 million donation to a Trump fundraising vehicle by OpenAI's top executive, Greg Brockman. These ties have sparked concerns about the company's commitment to democracy and its potential influence on AI regulations. The debate surrounding OpenAI and AI regulation has led to a "QuitGPT" campaign by activist/historian Rutger Bregman, calling for a worldwide boycott of Altman's company. As AI continues to shape our world, it is essential to consider the implications of who controls these technologies and the need for meaningful social, political, legal, and economic guardrails to minimize harm.

It's been 20 years since the passing of Muriel Spark, a celebrated Scottish novelist, short story writer, poet, and essayist. With a career spanning over two decades, Spark left an indelible mark on literature with her 22 novels, which are characterized by their uncanny, astute, and witty storytelling. James Bailey, author of the biography Like a Cat Loves a Bird: The Nine Lives of Muriel Spark, provides a guide to Spark's oeuvre, highlighting her unique narrative style. A typical Spark novel begins by introducing an enclosed community, such as nuns, schoolgirls, or desert island castaways, filled with gossip, deceptions, and conflicts. This setup is then disrupted by a dramatic event, like a murder or scandal, allowing Spark to explore the consequences. For readers new to Spark's work, Memento Mori (1959) is a great starting point. This darkly comic novel follows a cast of bickering pensioners who receive anonymous phone calls with the ominous message: 'Remember you must die.' The novel raises questions about mortality, fear, and the human condition. Spark's debut novel, The Comforters (1957), is a remarkable example of her innovative storytelling. The protagonist, Caroline Rose, believes she can hear the clanking typewriter keys of an entity she calls the Typing Ghost, which dictates the events of her life. This novel showcases Spark's ability to blend diabolism, diamond-smuggling, and supernatural elements. One of Spark's most famous novels, The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie, is known for its quotable lines, such as 'Give me a girl at an impressionable age and she is mine for life.' This novel explores themes of favouritism, fascism, and the seductive power of belonging. Spark considered The Driver's Seat (1970) her finest achievement, describing it as her creepiest work. This novel follows Lise, a protagonist whose holiday romance takes a dark and unexpected turn. Spark's works often explored the contrast between public personas and private lives. Her 1968 novel, The Public Image, is a prime example, delving into the world of a film star struggling to maintain her reputation amidst paparazzi and self-absorbed relationships. Spark's short stories, collected in her Complete Short Stories, offer a glimpse into her versatility as a writer. These tales often feature unquiet spirits and explore themes of mortality, guilt, and redemption.

Ian Cheshire steps into the helm of Ofcom with a comprehensive 2026‑27 plan that spans telecoms, broadband, postal services, broadcast media and the digital sphere. While the breadth of responsibilities is vast, the regulator’s work on the Online Safety Act (OSA) is set to dominate his tenure.The OSA, the UK’s flagship legislation governing social‑media, search and video platforms, has become a flashpoint between internet‑safety advocates and free‑speech proponents. Campaigners such as Ian Russell – father of Molly Russell, whose tragic suicide highlighted online harms – and filmmaker Beeban Kidron are urging a tougher regulatory stance.Last year, Russell publicly called for a change in Ofcom’s leadership, citing the watchdog’s failure to block an online suicide forum accessible to UK users. At the same time, Technology Secretary Liz Kendall wrote to Ofcom expressing “deep concern” over delays in rolling out key OSA provisions.Although updating the act is a parliamentary responsibility, Cheshire’s close ties to government could accelerate ministerial action. The OSA, passed in 2023, only began substantive implementation under chief executive Dame Melanie Dawes, with the introduction of rigorous age‑gating measures last year marking the first tangible impact on users.Beyond online safety, Ofcom must continue its core duties established in 2003: supervising public‑service broadcasting, ensuring impartial news, maintaining universal postal delivery six days a week, and monitoring broadband and mobile‑phone coverage across the UK. The government’s expectation is clear – the regulator must move faster on digital safety without neglecting these legacy functions.A looming test of the OSA’s strength is the investigation into the partial nudification of women and girls by Elon Musk’s AI tool Grok. The outcome will signal how effectively Ofcom can enforce the act against emerging AI‑driven harms.The 2026‑27 plan lists projects such as preventing illegal content from going viral, measuring harmful material encountered by children, and assessing the effectiveness of age‑gating. Additional measures targeting major platforms like Google and Instagram remain stalled due to ongoing court proceedings.Recent incidents – from misinformation spikes following the Southport killings to AI‑generated misogyny on X – underscore the urgency. While the legislation provides Cheshire with a framework, the patience of campaigners and policymakers is wearing thin.

The United Kingdom’s cyber‑defence agency has issued a stark warning: Russian‑affiliated hackers are targeting everyday internet routers to conduct espionage operations. By compromising these edge devices, attackers can steal user credentials, redirect traffic to fraudulent sites, and potentially infiltrate other connected gadgets such as smartphones and computers. According to the National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC), the campaign appears opportunistic, casting a wide net before filtering for high‑value intelligence targets. This mirrors a broader trend where threat actors focus on hardware that bridges users to the cloud, often overlooking the security of routers and network cameras. Professor Alan Woodward of the University of Surrey emphasized that routers are frequently forgotten, becoming weak points in home and small‑business networks. "If a router is compromised, attackers can reroute users to fake banking sites, establish persistence on the network, and probe connected devices for further vulnerabilities," he explained. The NCSC attributes the activity to the notorious group APT28, also known as Fancy Bear, which is almost certainly linked to Russian intelligence services. APT28 previously orchestrated high‑profile attacks, including the 2015 breach of the German parliament that exposed confidential emails and legislators' schedules. In a parallel move, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission has prohibited the sale of all consumer‑grade routers manufactured outside the United States, citing "unacceptable risks to national security." The FCC warned that foreign‑made routers have been exploited to facilitate espionage, disrupt networks, and steal intellectual property. While most routers are produced in China or Taiwan, exceptions like Elon Musk’s Texas‑made Starlink devices are unaffected. Privacy specialists caution that a blanket ban will not resolve existing vulnerabilities, especially for legacy routers that no longer receive security patches. Woodward urged small businesses and individuals to keep firmware up to date and monitor network activity for anomalies. The article also revisits the 2016 Bangladesh central bank heist, where hackers siphoned $80 million by exploiting cheap, second‑hand routers that were exposed to the internet. Investigators believe a North Korean state‑linked group was behind that attack, illustrating how compromised routers can serve as gateways to critical financial systems. Overall, the NCSC’s alert underscores a growing geopolitical cyber‑threat landscape, where state‑sponsored actors leverage everyday hardware to gather intelligence and disrupt adversaries.