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Cuba's tourism industry, once a pillar of the country's economy, is reeling from the effects of the US oil blockade imposed in January. The blockade has led to a significant decline in visitors, with only 1.6 million tourists visiting the island from January to November last year, a drop from its 2018 peak of 4.8 million.The decline in tourism has had a devastating impact on the livelihoods of Cubans who rely on the industry for their income. Taxi driver Rainier Hernandez, 38, used to work upwards of six hours a day ferrying tourists around Havana, but now he is lucky to get one or two hours of paid work in a day.The economic momentum has sputtered in recent years, a trend accelerated by a recent spike in tensions between the US and Cuba. The blockade has pushed petrol prices up to $12 per litre ($45.36 per gallon) and led the government to cancel nearly all public transport options.Tour guides like Carlos Fariñas, 29, are struggling to make ends meet, with some considering leaving the island in search of better opportunities. 'If there is no tourism, there is no economy,' Fariñas said.The situation has become so dire that some Cubans are worried about losing their homes, as the collapse of the tourism industry could cost them the very roof over their heads. 'I would die of hunger' if I had to wait for tourists to return, said Alejandro Ricardo, 26, who manages an Airbnb in Havana.The US oil blockade has had far-reaching consequences for Cuba's economy, with the country's tourism industry accounting for nearly 12 percent of its GDP at its height in the late 2010s. The blockade has left many Cubans uncertain about their future on the island, as they struggle to afford necessities.

Donald Trump announced over the weekend that he wants to "take the oil in Iran" by seizing control of Kharg Island, the strategic outpost through which roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports flow. Experts say the remark underscores a blatant disregard for international law and exemplifies what they term “fossil‑fuel imperialism.” Patrick Bigger, co‑director of the Transition Security Project, described the approach as a "might‑makes‑right" logic that is both "abhorrent and spectacularly miscalculated." Trump is slated to give an update on the Iran‑U.S. conflict on Wednesday. He previously claimed the war could end within weeks, a statement that sent the stock market soaring on expectations of de‑escalation. Iran, however, has insisted it needs guarantees against future attacks before halting its counter‑offensive. The fighting continues, highlighted by an Iranian strike on a fully loaded crude tanker in Dubai and threats to "blow up and completely obliterate" Iran’s energy infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened promptly. Kharg Island, a five‑mile strip that handles the bulk of Iran’s oil shipments, along with its power plants and oil wells, has been singled out by Trump. He told the Financial Times that U.S. forces should take over the island and the oil stored there. "My favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran," Trump said, adding that critics in the United States are "stupid people." Amir Handjani, an energy lawyer at the Quincy Institute, warned that the statement "completely discredited" the war’s stated objectives and revealed a classic play for natural resources. Handjani noted that Trump’s desire to seize Iranian oil is not new; he voiced similar ambitions in a 1988 interview while promoting The Art of the Deal, saying he would "do a number on Kharg Island" if elected. The former president has also floated comparable ideas for Iraq, Syria and Venezuela, suggesting the United States could appropriate their oil to offset war costs or bolster strategic reserves. Handjani emphasized that international law provides no framework for waging war to capture sovereign nations' natural resources. From a military perspective, taking Kharg Island would be extremely challenging. Iranian missile defenses have rendered regional U.S. bases inoperable, meaning any assault would likely require a parachute insertion of Marines into heavy fire, with the risk of massive Iranian retaliation. Handjani warned that such retaliation could target oil export terminals across the Persian Gulf, potentially driving crude prices to $200‑$300 per barrel and destabilising the global economy. The conflict has already caused the largest-ever disruption to global energy supplies, killing thousands and sparking sharp fuel‑price shocks. While consumers bear the brunt, major fossil‑fuel companies are enjoying windfall profits. Bigger noted that higher oil prices benefit oil majors and are being used as a pretext to expand U.S. drilling, further entrenching reliance on carbon‑intensive fuels. According to Bigger, Trump’s rhetoric reveals a belief that "fossil fuels are a linchpin of his domestic industrial strategy," and that controlling oil equates to controlling global power. He argues that this mindset threatens the international order and hampers the transition to cleaner energy.

Tiger Woods announced he is pausing his golf career to focus on health and treatment after a police stop near his Jupiter Island, Florida home that led to a DUI suspicion charge.In a statement posted on X, Woods said, "I know and understand the seriousness of the situation I find myself in today. I am stepping away for a period of time to seek treatment and focus on my health. This is necessary in order for me to prioritize my well‑being and work toward lasting recovery." He added that he hopes to return "healthier, stronger, and more focused" and asked for privacy for his family.According to court records released Tuesday, Woods entered a plea of not guilty and has asked for a jury trial. The incident occurred on a residential road when his Land Rover clipped a truck, crossed a double yellow line, and rolled onto its driver’s side, causing roughly $5,000 in property damage to the other vehicle.Deputies observed several signs of impairment, including profuse sweating, bloodshot and glassy eyes, and lethargic speech and movements. Woods told investigators he had not consumed alcohol but had taken "a few" prescription medications, including Vicodin, blood‑pressure medication, and cholesterol medication. A search of his pocket uncovered two hydrocodone pills, a prescription opioid.While Woods refused a urine test for drugs, a breathalyzer showed no alcohol in his system. He was charged with misdemeanor DUI, property damage, and refusal to submit to testing. After a brief hospital clearance, he was held for the mandatory eight‑hour Florida detention period before posting $1,150 bail.Former President Donald Trump commented on the situation, noting Woods’ extensive injury history and stating, "He tested negative for alcohol... He lives a life of pain. He doesn’t have an alcohol problem, but he does have pain." Trump also mentioned Woods’ relationship with his former daughter‑in‑law, Vanessa Trump.Woods’ attorney, Douglas Duncan, filed a waiver of arraignment and a demand for a jury trial, moving his initial court appearance to a docket‑sounding hearing scheduled for May 5. The golfer has not competed in a PGA Tour event since July 2024, though he appeared in the TGL indoor league last week.Prior to the crash, Woods was listed for the US Senior Open and was undecided about playing in the upcoming Masters at Augusta National, leaving his future tournament schedule uncertain.

The article delves into the factors driving Donald Trump’s attention to Iran’s Kharg Island, a key oil‑export hub in the Persian Gulf. It outlines how the island’s strategic location could serve broader geopolitical calculations, potentially influencing regional power balances and U.S. leverage in Middle‑East negotiations. Economic considerations are also highlighted, with the island’s role in global oil shipments offering possible avenues for energy‑related leverage. Additionally, the analysis touches on domestic political narratives that Trump may be leveraging to reshape his foreign‑policy legacy. By connecting these threads, the report seeks to clarify why Kharg Island has re‑emerged as a focal point in Trump‑related discourse.

Netflix’s fourth season of “Love on the Spectrum” returns this week, following a group of neurodivergent young adults as they navigate the challenges of dating. Unlike mainstream formats such as “Love is Blind” or “Love Island,” the series prioritises genuine connection over drama and commercial incentives. The new lineup blends familiar faces with fresh participants. Logan, a 25‑year‑old from Las Vegas, shares his simple pleasures—Hannah Montana, model‑train crash videos and cheesecake—while preparing for his first date with Hailey under the guidance of autism specialist Jennifer Cook. Their interaction underscores that the anxieties of a first date—wondering if you’ll be liked, what to wear, or what to talk about—are universal. Returning contestant Madison, now 27, moves to Florida to be closer to her partner Tyler, celebrating their first Valentine’s Day together with a country‑song serenade titled “Livin’ on Love.” Meanwhile, Connor, 26, wrestles with mixed signals from his girlfriend Georgie, rehearsing a picnic of finger sandwiches with his mother’s coaching. Another storyline follows Emma, a 22‑year‑old Mormon college student, whose family encourages her to embrace her authentic self rather than conform to expectations—a sentiment the reviewer suggests many viewers could adopt. The programme is positioned as a nostalgic reminder of early‑2000s reality TV, which often framed itself as a “social experiment.” Shows like the original “Queer Eye” and “The Simple Life” highlighted common ground among diverse participants. Over the past two decades, however, the genre has gravitated toward heightened conflict, exemplified by the 2004 “Wife Swap” showdown and the recent “The Bachelorette” season 22 cancellation amid domestic‑violence allegations. In this climate, “Love on the Spectrum” stands out as a life‑affirming alternative that proves reality television can still be kind. At its core, the series reveals a paradox: neurodivergent participants often approach dating with a refreshing candor, unburdened by the performative pressures that affect many neurotypical daters. Emma, for instance, openly shares a Donald Duck impression on a first date and honestly admits when she sees no future with a partner, avoiding the common “ghosting” pitfall. By spotlighting these authentic moments, “Love on the Spectrum” not only entertains but also challenges the prevailing narrative that reality TV must be sensationalist. It suggests that, with the right framing, the genre can celebrate genuine human connection.

The United States and Israel have launched a war against Iran that many observers label a monumental breach of international law, echoing the illegal aggression that began with Israel’s campaign in Gaza.According to recent reports, the Pentagon is ready to commit thousands of ground troops to the region, signaling a potential escalation that could last for weeks.Analysts warn that the conflict is poorly planned, especially given Iran’s capacity to disrupt shipping through the strategic Strait of Hormuz. The resulting choke‑choke on energy and essential commodities is already pushing the global economy toward a precarious edge, with Asian and African nations bearing the brunt of the fallout.History offers a stark warning. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq on the premise of a swift campaign, a promise later proved hollow. The war extended for nearly nine years, costing $1.92 trillion in U.S. taxpayer money, claiming over 4,500 American lives, and contributing to more than half a million Iraqi deaths by 2006.Back then, the coalition assembled roughly 250,000 troops—including 150,000 from the United States and 46,000 from the United Kingdom—to invade a country far smaller than Iran. Today, the U.S. maintains about 50,000 troops in the Middle East, a modest increase of 10,000 over its usual presence, yet the objectives being discussed—occupying Iranian territory, seizing uranium stockpiles, and controlling key islands—appear overly ambitious.Israel’s role is also intensifying. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced an expansion of Israel’s security buffer in southern Lebanon, a region Israel occupied from 1982 to 2000. Since the 2024 cease‑fire with Hezbollah, Israel has reportedly violated the agreement around 10,000 times in its first year, suggesting that a weakened Iran could serve as a strategic boon for Israeli ambitions in Lebanon.For the United States, the war risks becoming a “Venezuela‑style” takeover that is far more complex than anticipated. As the conflict drags on and the prospect of U.S. ground combat looms, public support—already low—could erode further, potentially jeopardizing the political standing of President Trump ahead of the mid‑term elections.Critics argue that repeating the Iraq‑war playbook may not only fail to achieve its stated goals but could also hand strategic advantage to rival powers such as Russia or China, reshaping the balance of power in the Middle East.

US President Donald Trump has stated that his 'preference would be to take the oil' in Iran, sparking concerns about the potential for a US invasion or occupation of the country. Iran is one of the world's biggest oil producers, holding around 24 percent of the Middle East's and 12 percent of the world's proven oil reserves, with about 157 billion barrels of proven crude oil.The Trump administration has threatened to target Iran's energy infrastructure, including oil wells, if Tehran does not reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which has been under a de facto Iranian blockade for weeks, triggering a global energy crisis. The US has also unveiled plans to prepare for limited ground operations in Iran, potentially including raids on Kharg Island and coastal sites near the Strait of Hormuz.Seizing Iranian oil would not be easy, as the US would have to occupy Iran's oil production sites and refineries, essentially occupying mainland Iran. However, if the US were to lift sanctions on Iranian oil after seizing it, it could lead to a flow of more Iranian oil into global markets, bringing down oil prices.The US-Israeli war on Iran has already sent global oil prices soaring, with benchmark Brent crude rising to more than 3 percent on Monday to $116 a barrel – the highest level in nearly two weeks. The oil price was about $65 per barrel before the war.In 2023, Iran's gross domestic product (GDP) was around $457.5bn, according to World Bank data. Iran's net oil export revenues were estimated at $53bn, equivalent to roughly 12 percent of Iran's GDP.This is not the first time the US has shown an interest in Iranian oil. In 1953, the government of Mohammad Mossadegh, Iran's first democratically elected prime minister, was toppled in a CIA-orchestrated coup after he nationalised the British-controlled firm Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), the predecessor of modern-day BP.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.

In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio revealed that President Donald Trump favors diplomacy as a means to end the conflict with Iran. Rubio emphasized that direct talks between the US and Tehran are currently underway through intermediaries.Earlier, Trump threatened to target Iran's civilian energy infrastructure, including power plants, oil wells, and Kharg Island, if Tehran did not reopen the Strait of Hormuz. Despite these military threats, Rubio's comments suggest a preference for diplomatic engagement.