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Closing the Strait of Hormuz has choked a vital artery that carries roughly one‑fifth of the world’s crude oil and LNG, sending energy prices soaring and unsettling global trade. Even if the waterway reopens tomorrow, analysts say the ripple effects will endure for months. Nils Haupt, senior director of corporate communications at German carrier Hapag‑Lloyd, told Al Jazeera that the end of hostilities does not equate to the end of logistics challenges. “Once the bombardments stop, the real work begins,” he said, noting that hundreds of vessels will scramble for berths in Persian Gulf ports, creating a prolonged bottleneck for containers and bulk cargo. According to the International Maritime Organization, about 2,000 ships are currently stranded because of Iran’s partial blockade, with only a handful of vessels from “friendly” nations granted passage. Maritime‑intelligence firm Windward estimates that roughly 400 of those ships are anchored in the Gulf of Oman, waiting for a green light. Diverted traffic has already forced many carriers to reroute via the Suez Canal or take the far longer Cape of Good Hope passage, inflating transit times and costs for shipments bound for Asia and Europe. Oil exports from Saudi Arabia are now being sent around the Red Sea, bypassing the strait entirely. Svein Ringbakken, managing director of the Norwegian Shipowners’ Mutual War Risks Association, cautioned that even with ports operating at full capacity, clearing the backlog of oil, gas and other goods will take months. He added that repeated attacks on regional energy and transport infrastructure have compounded the problem. The International Energy Agency reports that more than 40 energy assets across the Middle East have suffered “severe or very severe” damage, prompting companies such as QatarEnergy, Kuwait Petroleum Company and Bahrain’s Bapco Energies to declare force majeure. Beyond the immediate loss of flow, the shutdown has disrupted exports of petrochemicals, fertilisers and raw materials essential for plastics production, further straining global supply chains. Industry leaders warn that the risk landscape has fundamentally shifted. SV Anchan, chairman of US‑based logistics group Safesea, highlighted the rise of asymmetric threats, including unmanned vessel attacks, which have already accounted for at least 18 confirmed assaults since the conflict began. “A full reopening will only bring normalcy after a sustained period of stability and credible security guarantees,” Anchan said. Insurance costs have exploded as a result. Marco Forgione of the Chartered Institute of Export & International Trade noted that hull and cargo premiums have surged up to 300 %, a pressure point that could force shipping firms to curtail operations if rates remain high. Oscar Seikaly, CEO of NSI Insurance Group, stressed that war‑risk coverage will only normalize when a “truly permanent” security solution is in place, not a partial one. Recent data from Lloyd’s List show that a few vessels have managed to obtain Tehran’s permission to transit, with one ship reportedly paying $2 million for the right to pass. Iranian lawmakers have also moved to formalise transit fees for the strait. Nick Marro, lead global‑trade analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit, warned that the security guarantees demanded by shippers may be hard to meet, citing the volatile Red Sea experience where commercial traffic remains below pre‑2023 levels. Marro predicts that the Hormuz shutdown will accelerate a broader trend of route diversification, similar to the supply‑chain shifts triggered by the COVID‑19 pandemic. “Geopolitical uncertainty will become a permanent feature of risk management, not a temporary reaction,” he said. Seikaly echoed this outlook, suggesting that exporters will increasingly explore alternative corridors for strategic and political reasons, ultimately reducing traffic through the Strait of Hormuz over the long term.

Recent commentary on the Iran school bombing rightly challenges the knee‑jerk tendency to blame artificial intelligence for the tragedy. The deeper issue, however, lies in the emerging linguistic habit of labeling incidents as "AI errors," which subtly removes the human actors from the narrative.When responsibility is shifted from people to systems, moral accountability becomes vague. Human designers, authorisers and operators remain the decision‑makers, even if the technology automates the final act. Concealing this fact is not a technical flaw; it is a civic failure that hampers accountability.Beyond accelerating warfare, AI is fostering a subtler shift: using automation as an alibi. If public discourse cannot pinpoint who acted, the public cannot hold anyone to account.Critics also note that the language used to describe rogue AI agents—terms like “connived,” “lied,” or “cheated”—anthropomorphises machines and further obscures responsibility. As Dr. Felicity Mellor of Imperial College London observes, such phrasing assigns moral agency to large language models instead of the people who deploy them.Consider a hypothetical where a company releases high‑speed vehicles without functional brakes. We would not say the cars "connived" to cause accidents; we would blame the company’s reckless leadership. Similarly, if uncontrolled AI ever harms civilians, we must be able to hold technology firms and the governments that endorse them accountable, which requires clear attribution of moral agency in our language.Anthony LawtonMarket Harborough, LeicestershireDr. Felicity MellorDirector, Science Communication Unit, Imperial College London

OverviewSalesforce introduced an AI‑heavy makeover for Slack at a San Francisco event on 2026-03-31. The update adds 30 new features that expand the functionality of the platform’s AI agent, Slackbot, positioning Slack as a broader business‑process tool rather than just a messaging app.Key AI FeaturesReusable AI‑skills: Users can define custom tasks that Slackbot can execute across multiple contexts, reducing manual effort. Example: a “create a budget” skill pulls data from channels and connected apps, then auto‑schedules a planning meeting.MCP (Model Context Protocol) client: Slackbot now connects to external services, notably Agentforce—Salesforce’s AI agent platform launched in 2024—to route work and query enterprise agents without human intervention.Meeting transcription & summarization: Slackbot can generate real‑time transcripts and concise action‑item summaries, helping participants catch up if they miss parts of a discussion.Desktop‑activity monitoring: The bot can analyze a user’s deals, conversations, calendar, and habits to suggest follow‑ups or draft communications, with privacy controls managed by the user.Strategic ImpactThe enhancements aim to embed AI into daily workflows, making Slack an indispensable hub for enterprise tasks. By turning Slackbot into a multi‑modal assistant, Salesforce seeks to increase user stickiness and drive higher subscription value.Financial ImplicationsCEO Marc Benioff highlighted that the five‑year period since acquiring Slack has delivered “two and a half times revenue growth.” In concrete terms, a 2.5× increase means revenue is now 150% higher than the pre‑acquisition baseline (e.g., if Slack generated $1 B annually at acquisition, it now contributes roughly $2.5 B). Benioff also noted that about 1 million businesses are currently running on Slack, underscoring the platform’s scale and the revenue upside from deeper AI integration.

Qatar’s foreign ministry announced that Iran’s recent assaults have crossed numerous red lines and stressed the urgent need for de‑escalation amid the ongoing US‑Israel war with Tehran.During a Tuesday press briefing, spokesperson Majed al‑Ansari warned that Iranian attacks on Qatar are having a catastrophic impact on bilateral relations.Al‑Ansari appealed to every combatant to refrain from targeting nuclear or energy infrastructure, cautioning that any further escalation will mean more losses for all parties.Since the joint US‑Israel offensive began at the end of February, Iran has struck a string of regional states—including Iraq, Syria, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, Jordan and Kuwait—despite none being directly involved in the conflict.While Tehran maintains that its operations target only U.S. assets in the region, the affected nations report damage to civilian infrastructure such as airports, power plants and ports, alongside civilian casualties.Qatar, a longtime mediator in Middle‑East disputes, clarified that it is not part of Pakistan’s diplomatic effort to end the war, though it continues “ongoing communications with all parties, including mediators and other regional players.” The Qatari side added that it fully supports Pakistan’s peace initiative and hopes it will yield lasting stability.In recent developments, Pakistan hosted a four‑nation dialogue with Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to discuss ending the war and reopening the Strait of Hormuz. Together with China, Pakistan unveiled a five‑point initiative calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities, protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iran and Gulf states, safety of non‑military targets, secure shipping lanes—including the strategic Strait of Hormuz—and a durable peace grounded in the United Nations charter and international law.U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reiterated that while diplomatic channels remain active, the United States is keeping the option of military escalation on the table.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told Al Jazeera that Tehran has been exchanging messages with the United States, either directly or via regional partners, as the US‑Israel war on Iran continues. He emphasized that these contacts do not constitute formal negotiations. "I receive messages from US special envoy Steve Witkoff directly, as before, and this does not mean that we are in negotiations," Araghchi said. He added that all communications are routed through the Foreign Ministry or security agencies, and there is no truth to claims of active talks with any US party. Reflecting on past diplomatic experience, Araghchi recalled a previous agreement—referring to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—that the United States later abandoned. "We do not have any faith that negotiations with the US will yield results; the trust level is at zero," he asserted. President Masoud Pezeshkian echoed the skepticism, stating that the US "does not believe in diplomacy" after Iran was attacked twice during prior negotiations. In a phone call with European Council President Antonio Costa, Pezeshkian said Iran possesses the "necessary will" to end the war, but insists on guarantees to prevent further aggression. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth countered, saying Washington aims to secure a deal that would end the conflict and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, yet remains prepared to "negotiate with bombs" if needed. Addressing the strategic waterway, Araghchi noted that the strait lies within Oman’s and Iran’s territorial waters and can be used strategically. "Only for the ships of those who are at war with us, this strait is closed. That is normal during war," he explained, adding that some nations avoid the route due to security concerns and high insurance costs, while others have negotiated access. He warned that any post‑war arrangement for the strait will be decided jointly by Oman and Iran, with the potential to transform it into a "peaceful waterway." Regarding rumors of a possible US ground operation, Araghchi said Tehran is unafraid: "We are waiting for them. I don’t think they’d dare to do such a thing. There will be a lot of strength waiting for them." He affirmed Iran’s readiness to repel any ground attack. The foreign minister clarified that Iran has neither responded to nor submitted any counter‑proposals to the US 15‑point plan aimed at ending the war. The proposal, according to earlier reports, calls for Iran to renounce the acquisition of nuclear weapons and to limit its missile stockpile in range and quantity. Araghchi concluded that Iran will only accept an end to all attacks in the region, not merely a ceasefire, underscoring the country's firm stance amid ongoing hostilities.

Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

Israeli and U.S. forces launched a series of air strikes on Tuesday that struck Tofigh Daru Research and Engineering Company, one of Tehran’s largest producers of anaesthetics and anti‑cancer medicines. The state‑run firm, owned by the Social Security Investment Company, saw its drug‑production line damaged, according to an official post on X. In the north‑western city of Zanjan, a separate strike hit the Husseiniya Azam, a Shia congregation hall adjacent to a mosque. Iranian Red Crescent teams rescued two people from the rubble; one of the victims died and several others were injured. Further attacks were reported in the western province of Kermanshah, where a civilian contracting company in Qasr‑e Shirin – a border town with Iraq – was hit. One person was killed and eight injured, the Mehr news agency said. Heavy bombing was also confirmed in Isfahan, a strategic hub for Iran’s defence industry and home to key nuclear facilities such as Natanz. Local officials indicated that the strikes may have targeted “military sites,” though the exact locations and damage assessments remain unclear. Iranian officials condemned the operations. Former foreign minister Javad Zarif denounced the targeting of the pharmaceutical plant as a deliberate attack on a medical facility, calling the aggressors “desperate” and accusing them of “diabolical delusions.” Governor‑level security official Akbar Salehi echoed these concerns, noting that the strikes appeared aimed at military installations without specifying which ones. The broader conflict has already claimed 1,937 Iranian lives since the joint U.S.–Israeli campaign began on 28 February, while 20 Israelis have been killed. Recent Israeli interceptions using the Iron Dome and David’s Sling systems have limited damage on Israeli soil, but impact sites were reported in Tel Aviv, Bnei Brak and Petah Tikva. Amid the escalating violence, diplomatic channels remain active. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Al Jazeera that communications between Washington and Tehran continue, primarily through intermediaries, and that the U.S. aims to achieve its war objectives “in weeks, not months.” Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth added that negotiations to end the conflict are “very real, ongoing and gaining strength.” Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed a retaliatory strike, saying it hit an Israeli container ship in the Gulf with a ballistic missile and that Iranian drones targeted a group of U.S. Marines near a UAE military base. Public sentiment in Iran has turned sharply hostile, with pro‑state demonstrations erupting in Tehran as citizens protest the continued air raids. The atmosphere, described by Al Jazeera’s Tohid Asadi as a “cloud of mistrust,” reflects growing frustration over diplomatic dead‑ends and the relentless cycle of attacks.

A recent study published in Nature Communications by the UK Centre for Ecology & Hydrology (UKCEH) has sounded the alarm on the precarious state of Britain's native species. The merlin, Britain's smallest bird of prey, is among more than 200 species that could become extinct in the UK if immediate action is not taken to address climate change and unsustainable land use. The study, led by senior ecologist Dr. Rob Cooke, indicates that the next 20 years will be decisive in determining the fate of dozens of native species. By 2050, the British Isles, already one of the most nature-depleted regions in the world, may reach an ecological "point of no return." The researchers modeled six future scenarios with varying levels of greenhouse gas emissions and land management practices. The worst-case scenario, which involves environmentally damaging agricultural and urban intensification and 4C of global heating above pre-industrial levels, could lead to the extinction of 196 plant species, 31 bird species, and seven butterfly species in Britain. This represents losses at more than three times the historical extinction rate. In such a scenario, many areas of the country could lose up to 20% of their existing local species. The merlin, mountain ringlet and large heath butterflies, as well as plants like burnt orchid, grass-of-Parnassus, and Alpine gentian, are among those at risk of being lost. However, the study also offers a glimmer of hope. If society adopts more sustainable climate and land use policies, 69 fewer species could become extinct compared to the worst-case scenario. This underscores the critical importance of immediate action to curb emissions and adopt sustainable practices to protect Britain's biodiversity.

Jurors in two separate U.S. courts delivered historic rulings that, for the first time, hold major social‑media platforms financially accountable for designs that allegedly harm young users. In New Mexico, a jury ordered Meta to pay $375 million for claims that its products contributed to child sexual exploitation and other harms. The following day, a California jury found both Meta and YouTube liable, imposing $6 million in damages for deliberately engineering addictive experiences. The verdicts arrive amid a wave of lawsuits filed by more than 2,000 plaintiffs—including families, school districts, and state attorneys general—targeting Meta, YouTube, TikTok and Snap. While both companies have announced intentions to appeal, the judgments signal a shift from public criticism to concrete legal exposure. During the trials, Meta’s defense repeatedly cited the American Psychiatric Association’s position that “social media addiction is not a thing” in the DSM‑5‑TR. The APA countered that the absence of a formal diagnosis does not negate the phenomenon’s existence, emphasizing growing research on the mental‑health impacts of compulsive platform use. Internal communications presented as evidence painted a starkly different picture. A 2020 Meta email exchange described Instagram as “a drug” and likened the company’s role to that of “pushers,” while another message warned that targeting 11‑year‑olds resembled tactics once used by tobacco firms. Similar concerns emerged from YouTube, where an internal document explicitly stated the goal was “not viewership, it’s viewer addiction.” TikTok’s own research echoed these findings, concluding that users could become addicted in under 35 minutes and that compulsive usage correlates with a range of negative mental‑health outcomes. Moody’s, a risk‑assessment firm, warned that the dual verdicts establish a precedent whereby design‑driven user harm can trigger liability. In an analysis, analysts Adam Grossman and Taro Ramberg noted that insurers should focus on the emerging “design‑centered liability theory,” which links engagement‑driven features—such as infinite scrolling and autoplay—to compensable injuries. They cautioned that the current cases are merely the first data points in a broader legal trend. Beyond social media, the same design principles appear in video games, sports‑betting platforms, AI chatbots and online retail. Moody’s tracker lists over 1,100 pending cases in Los Angeles alone and estimates roughly 4,000 lawsuits targeting 166 U.S. companies for allegedly addictive software design. Both Meta and YouTube maintain that they disagree with the verdicts. YouTube’s spokesperson called the California decision a “misunderstanding” of the platform’s nature, while Meta emphasized the complexity of teen mental health and the non‑unanimous nature of the California jury’s finding. Nevertheless, the courts have signaled that even without a settled clinical definition of “social‑media addiction,” companies can be held responsible for the foreseeable harms of their product designs.