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Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

The documentary series 'Trust Me: The False Prophet' has shed light on the sinister activities of a polygamous Mormon cult led by Samuel Bateman, who is currently serving a 50-year sentence for luring minors into criminal sex acts.Director Rachel Dretzin, a former investigative journalist for Frontline, worked on the series, which follows a pair of documentary filmmakers, Christine Marie and Tolga Katas, who embedded themselves in Utah's Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS) community. They earned the trust of the cult members and were invited into Bateman's home, where he presided over 20 'wives', many of them underage.The filmmakers' incriminating footage and witness testimony were essential to the FBI's case against Bateman and other men charged with crimes. The series transcends the true crime genre's typical sensationalism, presenting its revelations thoughtfully and honestly.Dretzin notes that documentary filmmaking can be more effective than the legal system in effecting change, particularly in cases like this where the community is fiercely insular. The series raises questions about the ethics of documentary filmmaking and the blurred lines between observer and participant.The story also highlights the manipulation and indoctrination of young women within the cult, including Naomi, a young woman who becomes a pivotal witness. Her aunt Carole, who defected from the FLDS, shares her insights on how the cult grooms girls for exploitation.Dretzin believes that the story has echoes in our ordinary lives and political landscape, particularly in the era of 'fake news' and echo chambers. The series serves as a reminder of the dangers of closed systems and the importance of critical thinking.

In the spring of 2002, the modest Free Butt pub on Brighton’s seafront buzzed with a restless energy. Future stars such as Natasha Khan, then a university art student, danced atop the bar while the Yeah Yeah Yeahs thundered through their first UK dates. Behind the scenes, band frontmen like Guy McKnight of Eighties Matchbox B‑Line Disaster served pints, and budding engineers like Steve Ansell of Cat on Form fine‑tuned the sound. The atmosphere felt like a rite of passage, where any performer could slip from a cramped stage to national attention.Unlike the neatly branded scenes of New York’s garage‑rock revival or London’s Libertines‑driven hype, Brighton’s early‑2000s scene resisted a single aesthetic. Rock groups emerged from rehearsal rooms and tiny clubs with wildly different looks and sounds, creating a cultural mosaic rather than a monolithic movement.Electrelane’s guitarist recalls recording their debut Rock It to the Moon in a studio once owned by the Levellers, and crafting their sophomore effort inside a former public toilet. These unconventional spaces proved surprisingly fertile, underscoring the city’s DIY spirit.By the turn of the millennium, the big‑beat dominance of Fatboy Slim and Skint Records had faded, making way for a grassroots rock surge. Sea Power relocated from Reading to Brighton, drawn by the city’s “dilapidated charm and fresh sea air”. Their self‑organized Club Sea Power nights at the Lift offered a chaotic yet liberating platform that eventually caught Rough Trade’s attention.Women played a pivotal role in shaping the scene’s infrastructure. Promoters Lisa Lout and Anna Moulson, both still active, booked seminal shows—including the Strokes’ first UK gig at the Lift in 2001—and helped launch the Great Escape festival. Their efforts ensured that bands such as the Pipettes, Electrelane and Bat for Lashes could share stages and media coverage.Artists recall the city’s palpable sense of belonging. Rose Dougall of the Pipettes describes a landscape where “alternative culture was on every street, from vintage shops to the colour of the houses,” and where “small venues made it feel attainable to launch a project.” Similarly, Brakes frontman Eamon Hamilton contrasts Brighton’s walk‑able, collaborative vibe with London’s darker, more competitive energy.Music journalism mirrored the scene’s intensity. Everett True and photographer Steve Gullick launched Careless Talk Costs Lives in 2002, a deliberately short‑run magazine that championed female writers and bands at a time when the industry was still heavily male‑dominated.As rents surged through the 2010s, many of the cheap flats, rehearsal rooms and iconic venues that underpinned the scene vanished. The Free Butt closed, independent record stores shuttered, and the once‑abundant low‑cost infrastructure dwindled, prompting a migration of creative energy down the coast to places like Margate, Ramsgate, Folkestone and Shoreham.Nevertheless, the remnants of Brighton’s network continue to nurture new talent, from the Kooks to Dream Wife and Gazelle Twin. The city’s strength lies not in a singular sound but in its capacity to host a “constant collision of wildly dissimilar bands,” allowing artists to develop authentically and fearlessly.

British computer scientist Adam Back has vehemently denied claims that he is the elusive creator of Bitcoin, known as Satoshi Nakamoto. A recent report in the New York Times had suggested that Back was Nakamoto, but he quickly took to social media to refute the claims. In a thread on X, Back stated, 'I also don’t know who satoshi is, and I think it is good for bitcoin that this is the case, as it helps bitcoin be viewed [as] a new asset class, the mathematically scarce digital commodity.' This denial comes after a years-long effort to unmask Nakamoto, the mysterious author of the bitcoin white paper which laid the theoretical foundations for modern digital currencies. The speculation surrounding Nakamoto's identity has been ongoing for years, with previous attempts pointing to Nick Szabo, Hal Finney, and an 'unknown Australian genius' who was later revealed to be a fraud. The latest trail led to Back, a London-born computer scientist and entrepreneur, who was a member of an online anarchist cryptography community called the cypherpunks in the early 1990s. Journalist John Carreyrou claimed to have found similarities between Back and Nakamoto by analyzing decades of old internet postings and shared niche interests. However, Back attributed the similarities to 'a combination of coincidence and similar phrases from people with similar experience and interests.' Not everyone is convinced by Back's denial, with some speculating that he may still be Nakamoto. Stephen Murdoch, a professor of computer science at University College London, noted that while there are indications that it could be Back, 'there’s no smoking gun.' Meanwhile, Dr. Jacky Mallett, an assistant professor of computer science at Reykjavík University, suggested that Satoshi was 'almost certainly more than one person,' citing updates to the bitcoin code that suggest multiple contributors. Back is the owner of a bitcoin treasury firm that is merging with a publicly traded company. If he were indeed Nakamoto and the owner of 1.1m coins worth tens of billions of pounds, he would have to disclose this to the Securities and Exchange Commission, as it could materially affect the bitcoin market.

Miles Jupp, a well-known actor, writer, and comedian, recently shared his thoughts on how the 2005 Ashes series had a profound impact on his life. Sitting at the Oval cricket ground, a place he considers one of his favorites, Jupp reminisced about the life-changing experience of watching the final day of the series on September 12, 2005. Jupp was in his early 20s at the time, working as a standup comedian and actor. He had won the So You Think You're Funny? competition in 2001, which helped launch his career. However, it was the 2005 Ashes that truly altered his path. The series, which ended with England's first victory in 18 years, sparked something in Jupp. He recalls feeling inspired by the journalists in the press box and decided that he wanted to be part of that world. Jupp's passion for cricket and his desire to be part of the action led him to blag his way into the press corps for England's Test tour of India in March 2006. He documented his experiences in his standup show and book, Fibber in the Heat. While Jupp admits that part of him thought the experience would be good material for a story, he claims he was genuinely invested in becoming a cricket journalist. Jupp's journey as a cricket journalist was not without its challenges. He struggled to understand the workings of the press box and found it difficult to maintain the theatrical neutrality required. Ultimately, he concluded that he preferred to watch cricket as a fan, enjoying the excitement of the stands rather than the press box. Despite the difficulties, Jupp's love for cricket runs deep. He reflects on his experiences, including battling a brain tumor and undergoing surgery, and emphasizes that cricket remains massively important to him. His story serves as a testament to the power of sports to inspire and transform lives.

The Iraqi armed group Kataib Hezbollah, which is backed by Iran, has announced that it will release Shelly Kittleson, a journalist from the United States. Kittleson was abducted in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad on March 31, prompting calls for her release from press freedom groups.The group said on Tuesday that Kittleson would be freed on the condition that she leave Iraq immediately. An anonymous Iraqi official confirmed her release to The Associated Press on Tuesday afternoon.Kittleson, a 49-year-old freelance reporter, had been kept in detention in Baghdad. Her release comes at a moment of heightened tension in Iraq, where Iran-backed groups have carried out attacks on US forces amid the US-Israel war on Iran.The decision to release Kittleson was reportedly made in response to 'the national stances of the outgoing prime minister' of Iraq, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani. Abu Mujahid al-Assaf, a security official with the group, warned that the 'exceptional gesture' would not be repeated again.The Associated Press reported that Kittleson was released in exchange for several imprisoned Kataib Hezbollah members, citing anonymous members of the militia. During her detention, publications Kittleson had worked for, including Al-Monitor, praised her for her commitment to covering conflicts in the Middle East.

The UK Home Office has refused rapper Kanye West’s request to travel to Britain, stating that his presence would not be "conducive to the public good" after a wave of criticism over his anti‑Semitic comments and open admiration for Adolf Hitler.West, now performing under the name Ye, submitted a visa application on Monday for a headline slot at London’s Wireless Festival in July. The Home Office issued a denial on Tuesday, effectively barring him from entry.In response, the festival’s organisers announced the cancellation of the entire event and pledged to refund all ticket holders, underscoring the pressure from sponsors and politicians to distance the show from the controversial artist.Amid the controversy, West publicly offered to meet members of the British Jewish community, saying he wanted to demonstrate “unity, peace and love through music” and that “words aren’t enough – I’ll have to show change through my actions.”The backlash intensified after West released a track titled “Heil Hitler” and marketed a swastika‑bearing T‑shirt on his website, actions that have drawn widespread condemnation for glorifying Nazism.West has performed in the United States and Mexico City this year, but was barred from Australia in July 2023 for similar reasons. He later placed a full‑page apology in the Wall Street Journal, attributing his behavior to an untreated bipolar disorder.British government minister Wes Streeting dismissed the bipolar‑disorder explanation as “appalling,” while Prime Minister Keir Starmer called the decision to book West “deeply concerning” given his prior anti‑Semitic remarks and celebration of Nazism.The Campaign Against Antisemitism welcomed the Home Office’s move, stating that it “backed up its words with action” and affirmed that antisemitism has no place in the UK.West’s European tour continues to face resistance; the mayor of Marseille, France, publicly declared the rapper “not welcome” for a scheduled June concert.

Ben Roberts‑Smith, a former Australian special‑forces operative, was taken into custody at Sydney Airport on Tuesday after the Australian Federal Police (AFP) announced he faces five separate war‑crime counts linked to the killing of five individuals in Afghanistan from 2009 to 2012. The charges, each punishable by life imprisonment, allege that the victims were unarmed civilians who were not engaged in hostilities at the time of their deaths. AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett told reporters that the prosecution will argue the victims were shot either directly by Roberts‑Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders while he was present. Barrett emphasized that the accusations stem from a "complex" investigation conducted jointly by the AFP and the Office of the Special Investigator, a probe that began in 2021. The New South Wales Local Court has scheduled a bail hearing for Roberts‑Smith on Wednesday, where he will appear before a magistrate. This arrest follows a high‑profile legal defeat for Roberts‑Smith: an Australian judge in 2023 ruled that journalists who reported he was "complicit in and responsible for the murder" of unarmed Afghan men had not defamed him, a decision upheld by the Full Court of the Federal Court in May of the previous year. Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, described the development as a "significant and long‑awaited step for victims and affected communities" in Afghanistan. She added that prosecuting alleged war crimes by Australian special‑forces personnel is essential for delivering justice and for Australia to meet its international law obligations. Since the 2001 NATO‑led intervention, roughly 39,000 Australian soldiers have served in Afghanistan, supporting operations against the Taliban and other armed groups. Roberts‑Smith, who previously received the Victoria Cross for his fifth tour, was regarded as the most‑decorated living Australian war veteran before the charges. The case also revives attention on former army lawyer David McBride, who remains incarcerated for disclosing information about alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. In response to Roberts‑Smith’s arrest, Senator David Shoebridge posted a brief message on X urging the release of McBride.

Senegal's recent enactment of a harsh anti-gay law has sent shockwaves through the country's LGBTQ+ community and healthcare system. The law, which doubles the maximum prison term to 10 years for same-sex activities and criminalizes the 'promotion' of homosexuality, has led to a surge in arrests and a climate of fear.Over 60 people have been detained since February on charges related to same-sex relations, with many facing forced HIV testing and additional penalties for those who test positive. This has resulted in a significant decline in HIV healthcare services, with a 34.5% drop in consultations recorded at 22 treatment sites across the country.The law's broad framing also risks criminalizing legitimate human rights activities, including those of lawyers, health workers, journalists, and NGOs. This has led to organizations like UJEC (Union des Jeunes Engagés pour Notre Communauté) suspending their services, leaving vulnerable populations without access to essential support and healthcare.Senegal's HIV prevention system, which had been considered one of Africa's most resilient, is now under threat. The country's HIV prevalence among MSM is alarmingly high at 27.6%, and the new law is expected to exacerbate this issue by driving key populations underground and making them more reluctant to seek treatment or testing.The international community has expressed concern, with UNAIDS urging the president not to sign the legislation and highlighting that new HIV infections in Senegal rose by 36% between 2010 and 2024. The situation is further complicated by funding cuts and the US freeze on foreign assistance, which have already weakened the HIV response in the country.As the situation continues to unfold, there are reports of people fleeing Senegal for neighboring countries or seeking asylum in France. The Senegalese Ministry of Justice and supreme court have declined to comment, leaving many to wonder whether the country's HIV prevention system can survive this new legislation and the fear it has instilled.