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Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

Jurors in two separate U.S. courts delivered historic rulings that, for the first time, hold major social‑media platforms financially accountable for designs that allegedly harm young users. In New Mexico, a jury ordered Meta to pay $375 million for claims that its products contributed to child sexual exploitation and other harms. The following day, a California jury found both Meta and YouTube liable, imposing $6 million in damages for deliberately engineering addictive experiences. The verdicts arrive amid a wave of lawsuits filed by more than 2,000 plaintiffs—including families, school districts, and state attorneys general—targeting Meta, YouTube, TikTok and Snap. While both companies have announced intentions to appeal, the judgments signal a shift from public criticism to concrete legal exposure. During the trials, Meta’s defense repeatedly cited the American Psychiatric Association’s position that “social media addiction is not a thing” in the DSM‑5‑TR. The APA countered that the absence of a formal diagnosis does not negate the phenomenon’s existence, emphasizing growing research on the mental‑health impacts of compulsive platform use. Internal communications presented as evidence painted a starkly different picture. A 2020 Meta email exchange described Instagram as “a drug” and likened the company’s role to that of “pushers,” while another message warned that targeting 11‑year‑olds resembled tactics once used by tobacco firms. Similar concerns emerged from YouTube, where an internal document explicitly stated the goal was “not viewership, it’s viewer addiction.” TikTok’s own research echoed these findings, concluding that users could become addicted in under 35 minutes and that compulsive usage correlates with a range of negative mental‑health outcomes. Moody’s, a risk‑assessment firm, warned that the dual verdicts establish a precedent whereby design‑driven user harm can trigger liability. In an analysis, analysts Adam Grossman and Taro Ramberg noted that insurers should focus on the emerging “design‑centered liability theory,” which links engagement‑driven features—such as infinite scrolling and autoplay—to compensable injuries. They cautioned that the current cases are merely the first data points in a broader legal trend. Beyond social media, the same design principles appear in video games, sports‑betting platforms, AI chatbots and online retail. Moody’s tracker lists over 1,100 pending cases in Los Angeles alone and estimates roughly 4,000 lawsuits targeting 166 U.S. companies for allegedly addictive software design. Both Meta and YouTube maintain that they disagree with the verdicts. YouTube’s spokesperson called the California decision a “misunderstanding” of the platform’s nature, while Meta emphasized the complexity of teen mental health and the non‑unanimous nature of the California jury’s finding. Nevertheless, the courts have signaled that even without a settled clinical definition of “social‑media addiction,” companies can be held responsible for the foreseeable harms of their product designs.

The UK steel industry is facing a significant threat to its survival due to a 'back door' loophole in new trade rules, which could result in job cuts and factory closures. The loophole allows pre-made steel parts, such as bridge sections, columns, and door frames, to enter the UK tax-free, undermining the government's efforts to protect British manufacturers.Earlier in March, the UK government announced plans to double tariffs on imported steel and cut the amount that can be bought from abroad in an attempt to protect Britain's struggling steelmakers. However, industry bosses argue that the measures do not go far enough, as they only target imports of raw steel and leave pre-made steel products untouched.The loophole has been criticized by industry leaders, including Simon Boyd, managing director of Reidsteel, who stated that it would 'undo what the government's trying to do to protect steelmaking' and 'kill the downstream customers of steelmakers in the UK off'. The UK steel industry employs around 10,000 people and has suffered decades of job losses.The wider network of downstream manufacturers that turn steel into finished products is estimated to support 300,000 jobs. However, the industry is under significant pressure from rising energy costs and the threat of cheap imports. The government's new rules are expected to incentivize buyers to follow suit, as they will push up the price of UK-produced steel.A government spokesperson said that their steel strategy is protecting UK producers, with robust new measures applying to all steel products that can be made in the UK. However, industry leaders argue that more needs to be done to prevent job losses and factory closures.

Penguin Random House has taken legal action against OpenAI, claiming that its ChatGPT chatbot infringed on the copyright of a popular German children's book series, Coconut the Little Dragon, by generating text and images virtually indistinguishable from the original work.The lawsuit, filed with a Munich court against OpenAI's Ireland-based European subsidiary, asserts that ChatGPT's responses to prompts were 'clear evidence' that the large-language model had unlawfully 'memorised' the work of Ingo Siegner, the author and illustrator of the Coconut series.Penguin Random House argues that ChatGPT's ability to generate a story, cover, and blurb for a children's book featuring Coconut the Dragon on Mars demonstrates that OpenAI's technology has unlawfully stored and reproduced Siegner's work.This lawsuit could set a precedent for other publishers in the industry, as it challenges the use of AI models that can mimic and reproduce copyrighted material. Carina Mathern, a Penguin Random House publisher, emphasized that the company is committed to protecting intellectual property while remaining open to the opportunities offered by AI.In response, an OpenAI spokesperson stated that the company is reviewing the allegations and respects creators and content owners, while also engaging in productive conversations with many publishers worldwide.This legal action follows a previous ruling by a Munich court in November 2025, which found that ChatGPT had violated German copyright laws by using hits from top-selling musicians to train its language models.

The Israeli Knesset approved a bill on Monday that makes the death penalty the standard sentence for Palestinians found guilty of terrorism‑related murders in the occupied West Bank, while excluding Jewish extremists from the same punishment. Volker Türk, the UN high commissioner for human rights, warned that the law is "patently inconsistent" with Israel’s obligations under international law and could constitute a war crime when applied to residents of the occupied territories. Türk stressed that the proposal raises “serious concerns about due‑process violations” and is “deeply discriminatory,” urging the Israeli government to repeal it without delay. He added that its selective application would amount to “an especially egregious breach of international law.” European officials have joined the criticism. An EU spokesperson described the bill as “a clear step backwards” and highlighted its discriminatory nature. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez called the measure “asymmetric” and likened it to a move toward apartheid, while Germany’s foreign ministry said it could not endorse a law that “rejects the fundamental principle of opposing the death penalty.” The legislation stipulates that anyone sentenced to death will be held in a separate facility, barred from family visits, and allowed legal counsel only via video link. Executions are to be carried out within 90 days of sentencing, with hanging identified as the method of execution. The bill also removes the requirement for a prosecutor’s request and permits a simple majority vote in military courts to impose the death sentence. Israel has applied capital punishment only twice since its establishment, most recently in 1962 when Adolf Eichmann was executed. The bill’s strongest political backer, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, has publicly displayed a noose‑shaped lapel pin, symbolising the proposed executions. Human‑rights organisations have warned that the law entrenches a two‑tiered justice system. Adam Coogle of Human Rights Watch said the measure “entrenches discrimination and a two‑tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid,” while Oxfam’s Shaista Aziz warned that it “effectively ensures that the death penalty will apply only to Palestinians, even as the occupation sees a surge in violence against them.” Within Israel, the bill faces legal opposition. Several human‑rights groups and three Knesset members have filed petitions with the Supreme Court, arguing that the law creates parallel legal tracks that target Palestinians and should be struck down on constitutional grounds.

Dozens of professional clowns paraded through the streets of La Paz on Monday, demanding the repeal of a government decree that would restrict extracurricular activities in schools and jeopardise their earnings.Clad in full face paint and their trademark red noses, the performers gathered outside the Ministry of Education to denounce a February‑issued mandate that obliges schools to deliver 200 days of instruction annually. The rule effectively bans holiday parties and other special events—the primary venues where clowns are hired to entertain children.“This decree will economically affect all of us who work with children,” warned Wilder Ramírez, a union leader known as Zapallito. He added that “children need to laugh,” questioning whether the education minister had ever experienced a childhood.The decree, signed by President Rodrigo Paz, stipulates that celebrations may no longer be authorised on regular school days, though they could be organised voluntarily on weekends. Officials said they would consider the clowns’ feedback when drafting the 2027 school‑year regulations, but the promise offered little consolation to the protesters.Elías Gutiérrez, spokesperson for the Confederation of Artisanal Workers of Bolivia, stressed that the measure will shrink their income at a time when the country faces its worst economic crisis in decades. Revenues from natural‑gas exports have plummeted, and a shortage of US dollars has driven up import costs, deepening the financial strain on informal workers.Joining the clowns were tailors who create costumes for children’s events, photographers who cover school festivities, and other artisans dependent on the seasonal market. The demonstrators marched through central La Paz, blowing whistles and setting off small fireworks, while one participant brandished a sign accusing the government of “taking away smiles, and taking work away.”

Palantir’s senior UK representative has warned ministers against yielding to ideologically motivated campaigners as they explore the possibility of terminating a £330 million NHS contract for the company’s Federated Data Platform (FDP).The FDP, an AI‑enabled system intended to unify patient information across the health service, is part of a broader portfolio that includes contracts with the Ministry of Defence, several police forces and the UK’s financial regulator.Louis Mosley, executive vice‑chair of Palantir UK, told The Times that abandoning the deal would jeopardise patient care and hinder progress on the NHS’s most pressing challenges. He highlighted that the platform is projected to generate £150 million in benefits by the end of the decade, delivering a £5 return for every pound spent.According to the Financial Times, senior officials have begun informal discussions about activating a break clause that would allow the FDP’s operation to be transferred to an alternative provider once the system becomes fully operational next year.Palantir, a US‑based data‑analytics firm with ties to the Israeli and US militaries and former U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts, has faced sustained opposition from the British Medical Association, which has long criticised the use of its technology in patient‑care settings.Health officials acknowledge the reputational risk, noting that the controversy now extends beyond traditional Labour‑left and Green Party critics. A Department of Health and Social Care spokesperson emphasised that the FDP is designed to improve care coordination, accelerate cancer diagnoses and increase treatment capacity, while maintaining strict data‑security safeguards.Health Secretary Wes Streeting, speaking on the Guardian Politics Weekly podcast, recognised public unease about Palantir’s political affiliations, referencing founder Peter Thiel’s right‑wing connections. He reassured listeners that Palantir does not have direct access to patient data, stating, "The platform is operated by us; Palantir never sees the data."Adoption of Palantir’s technology within the NHS has risen from 118 to 151 organisations since June, though it remains short of the government’s target of 240 organisations by year‑end. Labour backbencher Clive Lewis noted that the issue is becoming a visible concern for voters, reflecting broader anxieties about AI and foreign‑owned infrastructure in critical public services.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.