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Israel's latest invasion of Lebanon has resulted in a massive displacement of over 1.2 million people, including 350,000 children, making it one of the world's fastest-growing and most severe displacement crises. Since March 2, Israeli forces have launched over 1,840 attacks on Lebanon, killing more than 1,497 people and injuring over 4,639, according to Lebanon's Ministry of Public Health. The Israeli army claims it is targeting strongholds of the Iranian-backed group Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. Israel's Defense Minister, Israel Katz, stated that Israel plans to destroy Lebanese border towns and continue its occupation of southern Lebanon. The conflict has led to 20% of Lebanon's 5.9 million population being displaced, with one in five people affected. This crisis ranks among the top 10 displacement crises in recent years, according to UNHCR's 2025 data. Attacks have been concentrated in areas such as Bint Jbeil, Nabatieh, Tyre, Marjayoun, and Sidon, with over 2,000 attacks reported between March 2 and March 27. Israel carried out 1,840 of these attacks, mostly air or drone strikes and shelling. The destruction of bridges and crossings in southern Lebanon aims to isolate communities, with the Dalafa bridge and roads between villages like Sohmor and Yohmor being targeted. This has severe implications for access to hospitals and public services. Israel's evacuation orders now cover over 1,470sq km (568sq miles), or about 14% of Lebanon's territory, approaching the scale of Russian occupation in Ukraine.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are not armed while working in Canada, the agency said in a statement released as the 2026 FIFA World Cup draws near. The clarification comes amid public anxiety that U.S. officers might be deployed at tournament venues in Toronto and Vancouver.According to an ICE spokesperson quoted by CBC, the agency’s personnel collaborate with Canadian law‑enforcement partners on joint investigations into narcotics, weapons smuggling and human trafficking. However, they do not perform operational duties such as executing search warrants or making arrests on Canadian soil.ICE maintains five offices across Canada, including locations in the World Cup host cities of Toronto and Vancouver, which together will host 13 matches. Despite this presence, a spokesperson for Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree emphasized that ICE has no legal jurisdiction in Canada.Federal law grants U.S. immigration agents the power to arrest and detain individuals suspected of violating U.S. immigration statutes, but those powers do not extend beyond American borders. The distinction is crucial as Toronto’s city council recently passed a motion opposing any deployment of U.S. agents at World Cup venues.The clarification follows earlier protests, such as the February demonstration in Milan where hundreds rallied against ICE’s presence ahead of the Milano‑Cortina Winter Games. Those events underscore the sensitivity surrounding foreign law‑enforcement agencies operating in host nations of major sporting events.By confirming that its agents are unarmed and lack enforcement authority in Canada, ICE aims to allay concerns and preserve the collaborative spirit between the United States and Canada as they prepare for a tournament expected to draw millions of visitors.

Ben Roberts‑Smith, a former Australian special‑forces operative, was taken into custody at Sydney Airport on Tuesday after the Australian Federal Police (AFP) announced he faces five separate war‑crime counts linked to the killing of five individuals in Afghanistan from 2009 to 2012. The charges, each punishable by life imprisonment, allege that the victims were unarmed civilians who were not engaged in hostilities at the time of their deaths. AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett told reporters that the prosecution will argue the victims were shot either directly by Roberts‑Smith or by subordinates acting on his orders while he was present. Barrett emphasized that the accusations stem from a "complex" investigation conducted jointly by the AFP and the Office of the Special Investigator, a probe that began in 2021. The New South Wales Local Court has scheduled a bail hearing for Roberts‑Smith on Wednesday, where he will appear before a magistrate. This arrest follows a high‑profile legal defeat for Roberts‑Smith: an Australian judge in 2023 ruled that journalists who reported he was "complicit in and responsible for the murder" of unarmed Afghan men had not defamed him, a decision upheld by the Full Court of the Federal Court in May of the previous year. Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, described the development as a "significant and long‑awaited step for victims and affected communities" in Afghanistan. She added that prosecuting alleged war crimes by Australian special‑forces personnel is essential for delivering justice and for Australia to meet its international law obligations. Since the 2001 NATO‑led intervention, roughly 39,000 Australian soldiers have served in Afghanistan, supporting operations against the Taliban and other armed groups. Roberts‑Smith, who previously received the Victoria Cross for his fifth tour, was regarded as the most‑decorated living Australian war veteran before the charges. The case also revives attention on former army lawyer David McBride, who remains incarcerated for disclosing information about alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. In response to Roberts‑Smith’s arrest, Senator David Shoebridge posted a brief message on X urging the release of McBride.

President Donald Trump’s recent proclamation that Iran must reopen the Strait of Hormuz or face a combined "Power Plant Day" and "Bridge Day" has thrust senior U.S. officers into a stark ethical quandary: obey a presidential directive that could breach international law, or risk court‑martial for insubordination. In a post on his Truth Social platform, Trump warned that failure to comply would result in an unprecedented strike on Iran’s civilian energy infrastructure, a move that legal scholars agree would amount to a war crime against 93 million civilians. Two former judge‑advocate general officers, Margaret Donovan and Rachel VanLandingham, emphasized that such rhetoric, if acted upon, would place service members on a “path of no return,” directly contradicting the extensive legal training that defines permissible orders. Historical precedent underscores the gravity of the situation. During the Vietnam War, officers who participated in the My Lai massacre were ultimately held accountable, with the court rejecting the “just following orders” defence as the orders were deemed “palpably illegal.” Professor Charli Carpenter of the University of Massachusetts Amherst notes that while many troops can identify manifestly unlawful commands in surveys, translating that awareness into real‑time refusal is far more challenging, especially when the military culture heavily emphasizes obedience to the chain of command. Since assuming office, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has reshaped the Pentagon’s legal advisory structure, dismissing senior JAG officials and dismantling the Civilian Harm Mitigation and Response unit created under the previous administration. Consequently, service members now rely on a “GI rights hotline,” whose usage has reportedly surged under the current leadership. Beyond conventional strikes, Trump’s escalating rhetoric has raised alarms about the potential use of nuclear force. Under U.S. protocol, the president alone can initiate a nuclear launch, with the “nuclear football” – a briefcase containing strike options and authentication codes – handed to a close aide. The only safeguard is for senior commanders to deem such an order illegal, a step that experts fear may never occur. Former Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Mark Milley, during the previous administration, reportedly instructed senior officers to stay involved in any nuclear decision due to concerns about Trump’s volatility. Nuclear weapons scholar Jeffrey Lewis now warns that confidence in any contemporary intervention is essentially nonexistent, citing Trump’s pattern of purging dissenting military personnel. As the deadline looms, the United States faces a precarious balance between upholding international humanitarian law and navigating a command structure that may be unwilling or unable to challenge the commander‑in‑chief’s most extreme directives.

The peptide-testing industry has seen a significant surge in demand, with laboratories testing thousands of unregulated substances claiming to support weight-loss and wellness. This growth is largely driven by the injectable peptide craze, with experts warning about the lack of reliable safety data and quality control.Peptides are short chains of amino acids, which can be found naturally in the body or made synthetically in laboratories. They include active ingredients in prescription weight-loss drugs, such as Wegovy, as well as experimental compounds pushed online by the booming biohacking and anti-ageing industries.Laboratories, such as Finnrick in Texas, have reported a substantial increase in testing requests, with around 60,000 samples processed annually, including roughly 2,000 orders from the UK since 2024. About a third of the products analysed failed basic quality checks, with issues including incorrect identity, purity, and quantity.Experts, including Dr. Luke Turnock and Peter Magic, have highlighted the risks associated with these unregulated substances, including potential long-term harms such as increased cancer risk and damage to organs. The large profit margins have also drawn nefarious actors into the supply chain.The UK is a significant market for peptides, with 2,000 testing orders since 2024, tied with Canada for third place globally. The Royal Pharmaceutical Society's Prof Amira Guirguis emphasized the need for oversight, traceability, and quality assurance in the peptide market.

Israeli air and ground attacks on Lebanon on Sunday claimed at least 14 lives, including four civilians in Beirut’s southern suburbs and ten people in the south, among them a family of six. The strikes also left 39 wounded in the Jnah neighbourhood, just 100 metres from the Rafik Hariri University Hospital, Lebanon’s largest public medical centre. The violence follows a broader Israeli campaign launched on 2 March after Hezbollah fired rockets in response to the U.S.–Israel war on Iran. Since then, Israel has combined aerial bombardments, drone strikes and a limited ground incursion into southern Lebanon. Hezbollah announced on Sunday that it had fired a cruise missile at an Israeli warship stationed 126 km off the Lebanese coast, a claim that the Israeli military has not confirmed. In a separate statement, the Israeli defence forces said they had begun targeting “Hezbollah infrastructure sites” in Beirut’s southern suburbs, though they provided no public evidence of the alleged targets. On Saturday, Israel warned it would strike the Masnaa border crossing – the main trade gateway between Lebanon and Syria. The Lebanese side evacuated the post, and the Syrian authority, represented by Mazen Aloush of the General Authority for Borders and Customs, stressed that the crossing is “exclusively for civilian use” and announced a temporary suspension of traffic. According to Lebanese officials, Israeli attacks since early March have resulted in over 1,400 deaths, including 126 children, and have displaced more than 1.2 million people. In the southern town of Kfar Hatta, an Israeli strike killed seven individuals, among them a four‑year‑old girl and a Lebanese soldier, prompting a forced evacuation order for the area. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun used a televised address to urge renewed negotiations with Israel, pleading to spare the remaining homes in the south from the level of destruction witnessed in Gaza. These developments underscore the escalating humanitarian toll and the strategic pressure on Lebanon’s critical border infrastructure amid an already volatile regional conflict.

Thousands of Muqtada al‑Sadr’s followers took to the streets of Baghdad and several other Iraqi cities on Saturday, staging one of the largest anti‑war rallies in recent memory. Demonstrators brandished Iraqi flags while chanting slogans such as “No, no to Israel” and “No, no to America,” signaling broad opposition to the escalating conflict. Iraq, already caught in a web of regional hostilities, has endured attacks aimed at both U.S. interests and pro‑Iranian groups within its borders. The protests underscore the country’s growing frustration at being drawn into a war it did not initiate. In the heart of Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, crowds—including women—filled the avenues, their voices amplified by a palpable sense of urgency. “What America and Israel are doing is not a conventional military operation but a senseless war,” declared Dhirgham Samir, a 40‑year‑old participant, speaking to AFP. Samir added that the demonstration represented a broader rejection of “aggression, arrogance and injustice” worldwide, emphasizing that civilians are the primary victims of this conflict. Since the war began, thousands of casualties have been reported across the region, a grim statistic that fuels public anger. Al‑Sadr himself called for peaceful rallies aimed at condemning what he described as “Zionist‑American aggression” and urging a return to regional stability. His appeal resonated with many, reflecting his deep-rooted influence among Iraq’s Shia majority. Protesters gathered beneath Baghdad’s Freedom Monument, a symbol of the nation’s independence, to denounce perceived foreign meddling. Muslim leader Ali al‑Fartousi told AFP, “Humanity must speak out against these forces; the world must unite against Zionist‑American arrogance.” Al‑Sadr commands a loyal base numbering in the millions and has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to mobilise large crowds. Though he has opposed various Iraqi governments over the years, his network extends into ministries and state institutions, amplifying the political weight of today’s demonstrations.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

The article explores how Pakistan might respond to the regional fallout of the Iran war, weighing diplomatic outreach, trade adjustments, and security considerations. It highlights the delicate balance Islamabad must strike between maintaining ties with Tehran, safeguarding its own borders, and managing broader Middle‑East dynamics.