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In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio revealed that President Donald Trump favors diplomacy as a means to end the conflict with Iran. Rubio emphasized that direct talks between the US and Tehran are currently underway through intermediaries.Earlier, Trump threatened to target Iran's civilian energy infrastructure, including power plants, oil wells, and Kharg Island, if Tehran did not reopen the Strait of Hormuz. Despite these military threats, Rubio's comments suggest a preference for diplomatic engagement.

The recent arrival of US ground invasion forces in the Middle East has raised concerns about a potential military confrontation with Iran. With 5,000 marines and 2,000 paratroopers deployed, the US may attempt to forcibly open the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway through which a fifth of the world's oil trade passes.Iran's control over the strait gives it significant leverage, and any US action could lead to severe escalation. The US president, Donald Trump, has stated he is prepared to give diplomacy a chance, but he also expressed a desire to 'take the oil in Iran'. The situation is precarious, with experts warning of a high risk of casualties and escalation.There are two possible military options for the US to open the strait: seizing territory or deploying a massive naval presence. However, both options carry significant risks. Iran has threatened to carpet bomb its own territory to kill any American soldiers on its soil, and the US would need a substantial force to hold any territory.The deployment may be a show of force to strengthen the American negotiating position, but it could also lead to a more significant conflict. The challenge could be multiplied if Iran-allied Houthi forces in Yemen enter the conflict, potentially attacking vessels passing through the southern end of the Red Sea.

Iran's Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) spokesperson has issued a stern warning regarding the United States, stating that former President Donald Trump 'only understands the language of force'. This statement comes amid heightened tensions between Iran and the US, suggesting a potentially more assertive stance from Iran in response to Trump's policies.The IRGC spokesperson's comments reflect a broader narrative within Iran that Trump's approach to international relations is rooted in a show of strength, rather than diplomacy. This perspective is likely influenced by Trump's 'maximum pressure' campaign against Iran, which included economic sanctions and a significant military presence in the region.Iran's stance underscores the complexities of US-Iran relations, which have been strained for decades. The IRGC's statement may indicate a strategic recalibration by Iran, potentially leading to a more confrontational approach in its dealings with the US.

Top diplomats from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey have gathered in Islamabad for two-day talks with their Pakistani counterpart on the escalating conflict between the US and Israel against Iran. The goal is to seek a de-escalation of the situation.The talks, led by Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, follow Iran's agreement to allow 20 more ships under the Pakistani flag to pass through the Strait of Hormuz, with two ships permitted daily. This development was announced by Dar on Saturday.Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif had a detailed telephone conversation with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Saturday, lasting over an hour, as part of preparations for the Islamabad talks. Sharif emphasized Pakistan's commitment to bringing an end to the conflict.Al Jazeera's Kamal Kyder, reporting from Islamabad, noted that Pakistan has been acting as a key interlocutor between the US and Iran, facilitating communication between the two sides as part of mediation efforts. He described the gathering in Islamabad as the beginning of a critical process that hinges on diplomacy and dialogue.The talks in Islamabad are seen as a crucial step towards finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Iran's President Pezeshkian has thanked Pakistan for its mediation efforts to stop the aggression against Iran. With Islamabad's longstanding links with Tehran and close contacts in the Gulf, Pakistan is well-positioned to play a key role in these diplomatic efforts.Meanwhile, the risk of an expanded Iran war increased on Saturday as Yemen's Iran-aligned Houthi rebels launched their first attacks on Israel since the start of the conflict. The developments underscore the complexity and volatility of the situation in the Middle East.

Iran has agreed to permit 20 Pakistani-flagged vessels to transit the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial waterway for global oil supplies. This development is seen as a significant step towards alleviating the severe energy crisis affecting the region.Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, announced the agreement, stating that two ships will cross daily under the arrangement. He described Iran's decision as 'a harbinger of peace' and a 'welcome and constructive gesture'.The Strait of Hormuz has been effectively shut since the United States and Israel launched coordinated strikes on Iran on February 28, triggering a war that has resulted in significant loss of life and disruptions to global markets. The conflict has killed about 2,000 Iranians and over 1,100 people in Lebanon.The strait is a critical passage for oil supplies, with an estimated 2,000 vessels stranded on either side. This blockade has caused oil prices to surge past $100 a barrel, up by roughly 40 percent. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has turned the strait into a checkpoint, requiring ships to submit cargo details and receive clearance codes.At least two vessels have reportedly paid $2 million per crossing, settled in Chinese yuan, to secure passage. Iran's parliament is now moving to legalize this arrangement as a potential source of revenue.This agreement is the result of intense Pakistani diplomacy, with Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir speaking to US President Donald Trump and Foreign Minister Dar holding calls with his Iranian and Turkish counterparts.

The possibility of US ground troops being sent into combat on Iranian soil is growing, driven by President Trump's desire to avoid being personally and politically humiliated in a war he started, mismanaged, and cannot end. Such a self-serving escalation could prove catastrophic for Trump and the American people, given the history of US military interventions in the region.Trump insists that the war is all but won, Iran is suing for peace, and talks are making good progress. However, in the real world, Iran is still fighting on all fronts, Israel is still bombing, the Strait of Hormuz remains largely closed, and the Iran-allied Houthi militia in Yemen has joined the war, attacking Israel and potentially blocking Red Sea trade routes.The US and Iran have each issued maximalist demands, but there is no sign of actual negotiations. They are even further apart than they were before Trump, egged on by Benjamin Netanyahu, abandoned diplomacy last month. Sometime soon, Trump will be forced to confront the huge gap between what he wants and what's on offer. At that point, he could turn to the troop buildup in the Gulf and order ground attacks.It's incredible to think that after all the mortal agony and anguish of Iraq and Afghanistan, a US president is once again seriously contemplating boots on the ground in the Middle East. Trump's stumped, hoist by his own petard, stuck between a rock and a hard place, and up the creek without a paddle. The creek in question is, of course, the Strait of Hormuz.Trump is increasingly isolated and out on a limb. His wealthy Arab business cronies no longer trust him. US bases on their territory now resemble a liability, not a defence. When he demanded NATO's help, Europe said: we'll let you know. Likewise, Iran's ethnic Kurds are less than keen to die for a muppet. Support for the war among the US public and the Maga right, always weak, is a fast-vanishing mirage.If Trump were to order ground attacks – both he and Netanyahu have publicly discussed the possibility – the targets would most likely be the coastal batteries, missile defences, and concealed armed speedboat bases dotting the northern flank of the Hormuz strait. An attack on the Kharg oil export terminal further up the Gulf is also predicted.The inherent, inescapable military risks are daunting. Casualties would be inevitable. Even if operations went well in the short term, questions would immediately arise about potential escalation when Iran counterattacked, expansion of the operational area, and duration of the occupation.

Recent developments indicate that potential military action against Iran is encountering significant political resistance from an unexpected source: supporters of the MAGA movement. This internal opposition within American political circles has created a complex dynamic for policymakers considering engagement with Iran. The emergence of MAGA-aligned voices opposing potential conflict with Iran represents a notable shift in traditional foreign policy alignments. Political analysts suggest this development could influence the administration's approach to Middle East diplomacy and military strategy. As tensions potentially escalate in the region, the intersection of domestic political considerations and international relations continues to shape the trajectory of US-Iran relations. The evolving stance of influential political movements may prove to be a decisive factor in determining the path forward.

Islamabad has re‑emerged as a pivotal conduit between Washington and Tehran, delivering a U.S. 15‑point cease‑fire proposal on March 25, 2026, as the US‑Israeli campaign against Iran enters its second month. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that Pakistan is transmitting the proposal, with Turkey and Egypt offering additional diplomatic backing. Chief US negotiator Steve Witkoff later verified Pakistan’s role as a messenger, and President Donald Trump announced a 10‑day pause on planned strikes against Iranian power plants, citing a request from Tehran. Iran has denied direct talks, yet the pause marks the second deferment of Trump’s original threat, underscoring Pakistan’s function as a key diplomatic facilitator in a high‑stakes conflict. The pattern is not new. In August 1969, President Nixon tasked Pakistan’s military ruler Yahya Khan with opening a channel to Beijing. Two years later, a secret flight carried U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger from Islamabad to China, paving the way for Nixon’s historic 1972 visit and the eventual U.S. recognition of the People’s Republic of China. Analysts note that Pakistan’s unique position—maintaining working ties with both Washington and Beijing—made it the only trusted intermediary capable of handling such a sensitive mission, a view echoed by former ambassador Masood Khan. Beyond the Cold‑War episode, Pakistan has repeatedly leveraged its geography and Muslim‑world connections. It served as the primary conduit for U.S., Saudi and Chinese support to the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s, helped broker the 1988 Geneva Accords that ended the Soviet occupation, and hosted the 2015 Murree talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. During the 2020 Doha Agreement, Pakistani pressure on the Taliban was cited by U.S. envoy Zalmay Khalilzad as instrumental, though the rapid U.S. withdrawal and subsequent Taliban takeover left Pakistan’s long‑term interests ambiguous. Efforts to mediate Saudi‑Iran tensions have been less fruitful. In 2016, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s shuttle diplomacy failed to produce a formal agreement, and a 2019 outreach by Prime Minister Imran Khan, prompted by President Trump, yielded no concrete outcome. When China facilitated the 2023 Saudi‑Iran rapprochement, Pakistan’s foreign office claimed it had laid the groundwork, but analysts still view the result as a Chinese‑led success. Pakistan’s brief 2005 overture to Israel, led by Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, similarly collapsed under domestic opposition, illustrating the limits of its diplomatic reach when internal politics intervene. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury—the US‑Israeli air campaign that began in late February 2026 and resulted in the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—Pakistan’s leadership has intensified back‑channel activity. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has held multiple calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke directly with President Trump. Both officials have also visited Saudi Arabia, where Pakistan signed a mutual defence pact in September 2025. Former ambassador Naghmana Hashmi observes that Pakistan’s diplomatic narrative is often eclipsed by conflict, yet a “quieter, more consistent thread” persists: the state’s effort to turn its strategic location and Muslim‑world ties into a lever for peace. Whether the current cease‑fire talks will yield a durable settlement remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that Pakistan enjoys a rare blend of trust from Washington, Tehran and Gulf capitals—a leverage few regional actors possess.

Nepal's new prime minister, Balen Shah, has taken office after a landslide win in the recent elections. Shah, a rapper-turned-politician, leads the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which is expected to have a two-thirds majority in parliament. This mandate comes with high expectations from young Nepalis who drove the 2025 Gen Z protests against corruption, poor governance, and lack of accountability.The RSP, barely four years old, and Shah, with no prior political experience except as mayor of Kathmandu, have a historic opportunity to deliver on the aspirations of young Nepalis. However, analysts and voters warn that with this opportunity comes significant risks. Political analyst Bishnu Sapkota notes that expectations are enormous, and it may be unrealistic for Shah to fully meet them.One of Shah's immediate challenges will be implementing the findings of the Karki Commission, which investigated the killings and property damage during the Gen Z movement. The commission's report, submitted on March 8, 2026, is expected to be made public and implemented quickly. This will require careful management of political reactions and potentially difficult decisions.Another challenge Shah faces is the relationship between him and Rabi Lamichhane, the founder of the RSP. Lamichhane faces allegations of fraud, organized crime, and money laundering, and has previously served jail sentences. Experts describe their alliance as a 'marriage of convenience' and note that differences could emerge later.Shah's popularity was the main factor behind the RSP's success, and analysts suggest that he may end up having a stronger grip on the party than its president. RSP leader Shishir Khanal emphasizes that Shah will lead the government, while Lamichhane will lead the party, and both will have to face challenges and manage expectations on their own respective fronts.In the first 100 days, the RSP plans to prioritize anti-corruption measures, including investigations into the wealth of senior officials and politicians since 1990. These steps respond directly to the demands of last year's Gen Z protests. Gen Z activist Yujan Rajbhandari notes that the new government must prioritize good governance and protect civic freedoms, or face pushback from the same movement that enabled its rise.Shah's critics have questioned his diplomatic skills, citing past social media posts attacking Nepal's neighbors, including India and China. However, analyst Sapkota argues that Shah's lack of political baggage could allow Nepal to pursue a more independent diplomacy. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has already signaled a willingness to work with Nepal's new leadership, and Shah has emphasized the importance of maintaining close relations with India.