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South Africa has appointed Roelf Meyer, a seasoned negotiator who played a crucial role in ending white minority rule in the 1990s, as its next ambassador to the United States. This move is seen as an attempt to strengthen ties with Washington following a challenging year in bilateral relations.Meyer's appointment comes at a time when South Africa has been without diplomatic representation in Washington, DC, since March 2025, when US President Donald Trump expelled Ambassador Ebrahim Rasool over criticism of the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement. Trump's administration had also frozen most foreign assistance to South Africa and launched a refugee program for white South Africans, citing alleged persecution.Meyer, 78, is a well-known figure in South African politics, having served as a minister under the apartheid Nationalist Party government. He was a key negotiator in the talks that led to the country's first democratic elections in 1994. Meyer later joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 2006 and has a history of working with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, who was then an ANC negotiator.The new ambassador is set to take up his post in Washington, DC, once all protocols are complete. His appointment is viewed as a strategic move to improve relations with the US and marks a significant development in South Africa's diplomatic efforts.

Marwan Barghouti, often referred to as Palestine's Nelson Mandela, has been facing a pattern of escalating abuse in Israeli jails, his lawyer Ben Marmarelli has said. Barghouti has been attacked three times in as many weeks, including an incident where prison guards set a dog on him.The 66-year-old Palestinian leader has been held in Israeli jails since his conviction for ordering attacks that killed civilians during the second intifada. His trial was criticized as flawed by legal experts, and Mandela himself reportedly described it as a legal attack on a legitimate political struggle.Marmarelli said that Barghouti faced violence, medical neglect, and treatment that places him at immediate risk in jail. On March 25, prison guards entered Barghouti's cell with a dog and forced him to the ground, where the dog repeatedly attacked him. The following day, Barghouti was assaulted during a transfer to another prison, and on April 8, guards at that jail beat him severely, left him bleeding for over two hours, and denied requests for medical treatment.Despite the abuse, Marmarelli said Barghouti's mind was sharp, focused, and deeply engaged with everything happening outside those prison walls. The lawyer added that the only way to protect Barghouti is to secure his immediate release, as there can be no guarantee of his safety while he is held in an Israeli jail.The Israeli Prison Service did not respond to requests for comment on Barghouti's treatment. The Palestinian leader's son, Arab Barghouti, thanked artists speaking up for his father and called for others to join the campaign to free him, citing the critical role artists played in the movement to free Mandela and end apartheid in South Africa.

Afika Bambaataa, the Bronx‑born architect of modern hip‑hop, passed away at age 67 in Philadelphia early Thursday morning, with officials citing complications from cancer as the cause of death. The Hip‑Hop Alliance, chaired by veteran rapper Kurtis Blow, released a statement honoring Bambaataa’s role as a founding figure of the culture. The group praised his creation of the Universal Zulu Nation, which promoted the movement’s core values of peace, unity, love and fun, while also acknowledging the complexity of his legacy in light of recent abuse allegations. During the 1980s, Bambaataa helped define the sound of hip‑hop, most notably with the 1982 electro‑funk anthem “Planet Rock”. The track, which sampled German pioneers Kraftwerk, positioned him at the forefront of a new musical frontier and led to collaborations with artists such as John Lydon, George Clinton and James Brown. Born Lance Taylor, he launched the Universal Zulu Nation in the late 1970s, drawing inspiration from DJ Kool Herc and the solidarity of South Africa’s Zulu people. This collective became a cultural hub that spread hip‑hop’s ethos worldwide. In the early 1980s Bambaataa also performed with the electronic group Ebn Ozn, further cementing his reputation as a bridge between American street culture and European synth‑pop. His work helped crystallize the electro‑funk genre that dominated clubs across the globe. His activist side emerged in 1985 when he joined Artists United Against Apartheid to produce the landmark protest single “Sun City.” The project featured a roster of high‑profile musicians—including Bob Dylan, Bono, Bruce Springsteen and Run‑DMC—united against South Africa’s apartheid regime. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s Bambaataa continued to record, culminating in his final album, “Dark Matter Moving at the Speed of Light” (2004). While his musical output waned, his influence on subsequent generations of artists remained unmistakable. However, Bambaataa’s later years were marred by serious accusations. In 2016, several Bronx men alleged sexual misconduct, which he publicly dismissed as “baseless and cowardly.” A former bodyguard later claimed to have witnessed inappropriate behavior involving teenage boys. The allegations resurfaced in May 2025 when an anonymous plaintiff filed a civil suit alleging four years of abuse beginning in 1992. Bambaataa failed to appear in court, resulting in a default judgment against him. As the hip‑hop community mourns a foundational artist, it also confronts the enduring debate over how to reconcile his cultural contributions with the serious allegations that have come to define the final chapter of his public life.

Several readers have voiced alarm over the unfolding US‑Israel war on Iran, describing it as a chaotic and unjustified conflict that threatens regional stability and global order.One contributor likens the situation to a “spectacle of two rogue nations armed with nuclear weapons fighting to prevent a third from acquiring similar capabilities,” warning that the resulting chaos could embolden other territorial disputes, from China’s claim on Taiwan to Argentina’s claim on the Falklands. The writer urges individuals to emulate the anti‑apartheid boycott campaign, suggesting a coordinated boycott of US and Israeli products and a disengagement from the upcoming FIFA World Cup as potential levers to pressure the belligerents.Another letter critiques the tone of the original editorial, arguing that the war’s justification—purported nuclear compliance and regime change—was merely “grist to throw into the media mill.” The author characterises President Trump’s approach as a personal crusade, describing it as a “hyperbolic truth” that seeks to vent anger and claim divine credit, with the war ending only when Trump’s interest wanes.A third commentator questions the UK’s role, noting that despite initial resistance, British bases have quietly accommodated US and Israeli forces, mirroring the pattern seen in Gaza. The writer warns that the conflict could inflict a “disaster for our economy and that of Europe” that may last for years, calling the war both “immoral” and “illegal” and urging a policy reversal.Concern is also expressed about China’s silence. Citing a recent Guardian editorial, a reader points out that Beijing’s proclaimed “major‑country diplomacy” has not translated into constructive mediation, similar to its restrained stance on the Ukraine war. The letter argues that the global benefits of peace outweigh any short‑term advantage China might gain from allowing two wars to continue, and calls on allies of China to press the government into action.Collectively, these letters highlight a growing perception that the war in Iran is driven more by political posturing than by clear strategic objectives, and they advocate for a combination of economic pressure, public dissent, and diplomatic engagement to halt the escalation.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

The Israeli parliament's approval of a legislation seeking the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks has stoked fears among Palestinians and drawn condemnation from the international community. The law, which does not apply to Jewish citizens of Israel, has been met with jubilation among its backers in the country's far right.France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom have all raised concerns over the overtly racist nature of the bill, whose wording appears to exclusively target Palestinians. Rights groups have also criticized the bill, with Amnesty International saying it would make the death penalty 'another discriminatory tool in Israel's system of apartheidThe law targets Palestinians by limiting its application to military courts that only try Palestinians under occupation. Under the new legislation, anyone found guilty of killing an Israeli citizen within the occupied West Bank will, by default, be sentenced to death by the military courts. In contrast, Israeli settlers who kill Palestinians in the occupied West Bank are tried in civilian courts in Israel and have not been prosecuted since the start of this decade.Critics argue that the law is discriminatory by design and that lawmakers have no legal authority to impose it on Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank, who are not Israeli citizens. The Association of Civil Rights in Israel has taken the matter to Israel's highest court, arguing that the measure undermines Israel's commitments to democratic principles.Human rights groups have long argued that the legal systems applying to Palestinians and Israeli settlers in the West Bank are fundamentally unequal, enabling discriminatory detention practices and selective enforcement of laws. Approximately 9,500 Palestinians are currently detained in Israeli prisons under harsh conditions, with about half held under administrative detention or labeled 'unlawful combatants,' denied trial and unable to defend themselves.

Israel's parliament, the Knesset, has passed a controversial bill that will instruct military courts to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of killing Israelis in acts of 'terror'. The law, which enters into effect within 30 days, was approved by 62 lawmakers, with 48 voting against it and one abstention.The new law targets only West Bank Palestinians, who are not Israeli citizens, and instructs military courts to impose the draconian sentence for lethal attacks on Israelis. Amichai Cohen, a senior fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute's Center for Democratic Values and Institutions, noted that 'Jews will not be indicted under this law'.The Palestinian Authority called the bill 'a war crime against the Palestinian people', saying that it breached the Fourth Geneva Convention. Rights group B'Tselem pointed out that the conviction rate for Palestinians tried in military courts is about 96 percent, with many convictions based on 'confessions' obtained through pressure and torture during interrogations.The law has been condemned by international critics, including the foreign ministers of France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, and Amnesty International, which said it would make the death penalty 'another discriminatory tool in Israel's system of apartheid'. The Association of Civil Rights in Israel has filed a petition with Israel's Supreme Court to challenge the law, describing it as 'discriminatory by design' and 'enacted without legal authority'.

The Israeli Knesset approved a bill on Monday that makes the death penalty the standard sentence for Palestinians found guilty of terrorism‑related murders in the occupied West Bank, while excluding Jewish extremists from the same punishment. Volker Türk, the UN high commissioner for human rights, warned that the law is "patently inconsistent" with Israel’s obligations under international law and could constitute a war crime when applied to residents of the occupied territories. Türk stressed that the proposal raises “serious concerns about due‑process violations” and is “deeply discriminatory,” urging the Israeli government to repeal it without delay. He added that its selective application would amount to “an especially egregious breach of international law.” European officials have joined the criticism. An EU spokesperson described the bill as “a clear step backwards” and highlighted its discriminatory nature. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez called the measure “asymmetric” and likened it to a move toward apartheid, while Germany’s foreign ministry said it could not endorse a law that “rejects the fundamental principle of opposing the death penalty.” The legislation stipulates that anyone sentenced to death will be held in a separate facility, barred from family visits, and allowed legal counsel only via video link. Executions are to be carried out within 90 days of sentencing, with hanging identified as the method of execution. The bill also removes the requirement for a prosecutor’s request and permits a simple majority vote in military courts to impose the death sentence. Israel has applied capital punishment only twice since its establishment, most recently in 1962 when Adolf Eichmann was executed. The bill’s strongest political backer, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir, has publicly displayed a noose‑shaped lapel pin, symbolising the proposed executions. Human‑rights organisations have warned that the law entrenches a two‑tiered justice system. Adam Coogle of Human Rights Watch said the measure “entrenches discrimination and a two‑tiered system of justice, both hallmarks of apartheid,” while Oxfam’s Shaista Aziz warned that it “effectively ensures that the death penalty will apply only to Palestinians, even as the occupation sees a surge in violence against them.” Within Israel, the bill faces legal opposition. Several human‑rights groups and three Knesset members have filed petitions with the Supreme Court, arguing that the law creates parallel legal tracks that target Palestinians and should be struck down on constitutional grounds.