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Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

India has launched the world's largest census, a monumental task that involves surveying over 1.4 billion people across the country's 28 states and eight union territories. The $1.24 billion exercise, which began on Wednesday, will take place over the next year, with more than three million officials collecting data on household composition, living conditions, and access to basic amenities.The census will be conducted in two phases. The first phase, known as the House Listing and Housing Census, will focus on gathering information on household characteristics, while the second phase will involve population enumeration and socioeconomic details, including caste enumeration for the first time since 1931.The inclusion of caste enumeration has sparked controversy, with some arguing that it will help address social and economic disparities, while others fear it will exacerbate existing divisions. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government had initially resisted including caste questions, citing concerns about creating further social divisions.The census is crucial for policy planning and resource allocation, as it provides insights into demographic trends, housing conditions, and welfare amenities. However, experts have raised concerns about the delay in conducting the census, which has left significant data gaps and may impact the accuracy of surveys and policy decisions.There are also worries about how the census data will be used, particularly in light of the government's plans to implement a National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which have been criticized for potentially targeting Muslims and other marginalized groups.Despite these concerns, experts argue that the census is essential for understanding India's complex social dynamics and addressing the needs of its diverse population. Dipa Sinha, a development economist, emphasized that the census data will help governments plan policies and citizens claim their rights.The census is expected to conclude by March 31 next year, with the government facing pressure to ensure transparency and credibility in the data collection process.

Glamorgan's cricket team is gearing up for their biggest season in years, back in Division One of the County Championship for the first time since 2005. A key player to watch is Asa Tribe, who had a standout performance last season, scoring a thousand runs and earning a spot on the Lions tour in the winter.Tribe's impressive form has not gone unnoticed, with England managing director Rob Key taking note of his unbeaten 129 against Australia A in the unofficial Test. His captain, Kiran Carlson, praises Tribe's work ethic and talent, comparing him to another Glamorgan star, Marnus Labuschagne.Tribe's journey to the top has been swift, moving from the Glamorgan second team to the first team, the Lions, and then a franchise gig with Paarl Royals in the South Africa T20 within a year. He remains focused on his goals, saying, 'There's a bit of talk around it and it's quite easy to get sucked up into that thinking, but if I don't put in performances like I did last season, it becomes irrelevant whether there's hype or not.'With his sights set on Test cricket for England, Tribe is determined to continue improving and making a name for himself in the cricket world. His teammate, Carlson, has no doubt that he'll achieve his goal, saying, 'I have no doubt that he'll play a lot of Test cricket for England. His ceiling's incredibly high.'

The MCC has rejected a proposal to rescue Middlesex Cricket Club, which is struggling with financial and governance issues. Middlesex, a long-term tenant at Lord's, has been facing a crisis, prompting a group of distinguished former players, led by former England captain Mike Gatting, to call on chairman Richard Sykes to stand down.The MCC, with annual revenues of around £70m, has been mooted as a potential solution to Middlesex's problems, but it will not happen under their current leadership. While the MCC remains committed to extending Middlesex's lease at Lord's and will provide further help where possible, there are no plans to offer direct financial assistance or become more involved in the running of the club.Middlesex's financial problems are compounded by the fact that they cannot access the £24m they are theoretically owed from the ECB's part-sale of the eight Hundred franchises. The ECB insists that the counties can only use the £500m windfall to clear debt or for major infrastructure projects. Middlesex are exploring taking the club into private ownership, but the process of demutualisation would require a 75% majority vote from a turnout of at least 50% of their membership.The club starts the season against Gloucestershire on Friday in the second division of the County Championship for the third successive year, the eighth out of the last nine years they have spent in the second tier.

Jermain Defoe has been appointed as the new manager of Woking FC, a club that has never made it to the Football League in its 139-year history. On his first day, Defoe expressed his gratitude for the opportunity, stating, “It’s been a long time coming.” He emphasized the importance of 'earning his stripes' as a manager, a lesson he learned from his mother.Defoe, who had a 23-year playing career and won 57 England caps, has previously worked with Steven Gerrard at Rangers and spent time in the Tottenham academy. He turned down his former team Tottenham to take over at Woking, joking about the opportunity.The new Woking manager is only the fifth black manager or head coach working in English football’s top five divisions. “I’d like to think going forward that other black managers will get [opportunities], too,” he said, highlighting the challenges faced by black managers in the sport.Defoe's assistant, Paul Bracewell, brings vast experience to the team, having worked with Defoe at Sunderland and Tottenham. The target for next season is promotion, and Defoe plans to draw on the experience of former managers like Sam Allardyce and Harry Redknapp.Reflecting on his journey, Defoe said, “My mum knows that this is something that I’ve waited a long time for so she has said I have to make sure that I enjoy it.” He emphasized the importance of having supportive influences in his life, particularly his mother, who has been a constant source of guidance throughout his career.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”

LeBron James had a stellar performance with 21 points, 12 assists, and 10 rebounds, leading the Los Angeles Lakers to a convincing 120-101 win over the Washington Wizards on Monday night.The victory marked James's 1,228th career win, including the playoffs, tying him with Kareem Abdul-Jabbar for the most in NBA history. This achievement underscores James's enduring impact on the sport.Austin Reaves contributed significantly with 19 points and nine assists, while Luke Kennard and Jaxson Hayes each added 19 points off the bench. The Lakers' strong performance was highlighted by an 11-0 run in the second quarter, which gave them a lead they maintained throughout the game.The Wizards, struggling with 19 losses in 20 games, were led by Will Riley with 20 points and Justin Champagnie with 18 points. Despite an initial lead, they were unable to recover from the Lakers' surge.This win brings the Lakers closer to securing a playoff berth and the Pacific Division title, although a Phoenix loss was also needed to clinch it. The Lakers have now won 12 of their last 13 games, showcasing their strong form.

Unilever’s latest strategic move pairs its food portfolio – home to brands such as Hellmann’s, Knorr and Marmite – with US condiment specialist McCormick in a deal valued at $44.8 bn. While the transaction will deliver $15.7 bn in cash to Unilever, the bulk of the consideration is equity‑based, giving Unilever shareholders a 55% stake in the enlarged McCormick and leaving Unilever itself with a modest 10% holding. The structure marks a departure from Unilever’s recent clean‑break divestitures, such as the outright sales of its Flora spreads and Lipton tea businesses and the spin‑off of its ice‑cream division (including Ben & Jerry’s) last year. Instead, investors now face a complex share‑exchange that ties their fortunes to a company that will assume significant debt to fund the acquisition. CEO Fernando Fernández framed the transaction as “another decisive step in sharpening our portfolio”, yet market reaction was swift: Unilever’s share price slid 7% on the announcement. The decline underscores investor scepticism that the merger will unlock genuine value. From a financial perspective, Unilever’s food arm contributes annual sales of $12 bn – outpacing McCormick’s $8 bn – and enjoys higher growth (2.7% vs 2%) and superior margins (24% vs 17%). These metrics suggest Unilever could have retained a more profitable segment rather than ceding control to a partner with weaker performance indicators. Critics argue that the combined entity will be a sprawling conglomerate of global powerhouses like Hellmann’s and Knorr alongside niche brands such as French’s mustard and Old Bay seasoning. The anticipated synergies, described by McCormick’s Brendan Foley as “maximal adjacency” and “end‑to‑end flavour experiences”, remain unproven, especially given the modest cash component and the dilution of Unilever’s ownership. Ultimately, the success of the merger hinges on whether the new food business can generate growth that justifies the equity swap and the added debt burden. For now, the market’s 7% share‑price dip reflects a cautious outlook on the promised “trapped value” that Unilever hopes to unlock.