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The United States government has reaffirmed its position that it plans to deport Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia to Liberia, despite arguments that doing so would be vindictive.On Tuesday, lawyers for the administration of President Donald Trump told US federal judge Paula Xinis that it remains committed to Liberia as a destination.Abrego Garcia, however, has said that, if he must be deported, he would prefer to be sent to Costa Rica, and the government there has indicated it would accept him.But the Trump administration’s insistence on sending Abrego Garcia to Africa has raised questions about its motive.Critics have accused the US government of seeking retribution against Abrego Garcia, whose case has spurred scrutiny over the legality of Trump’s mass deportation campaign.The case began with a high-profile mistake. In March 2025, less than three months into Trump’s second term, Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported to his native El Salvador, in violation of a 2019 protection order that found he could face gang violence if returned to the country.The Trump administration, at the time, described Abrego Garcia’s removal as an “administrative error”.Still, it initially refused to seek his return, arguing that Abrego Garcia was a gang member and that, once abroad, he was subject to El Salvador’s leadership. Abrego Garcia, though, had no criminal record at the time of his deportation.Abrego Garcia was imprisoned, first at El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) and later in a second prison in Santa Ana, El Salvador.Meanwhile, lawyers in the US had turned to US courts to reverse his deportation.In early April 2025, Judge Xinis ruled that the US government had to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the country, and later that month, the US Supreme Court upheld her ruling in a unanimous decision.But it was only in June 2025 that Abrego Garcia was brought back to the US. In announcing Abrego Garcia’s return, the Trump administration revealed it would be filing criminal charges against him for human smuggling.He pleaded not guilty, but was forced to remain in jail. The Trump administration had deemed him a flight risk, and his own lawyers feared that stepping out of his jail cell would land him in immigration detention instead.When a court ordered his release in August, this is exactly what happened: Immigration agents took him back into custody within days.Authorities at the time said they would deport him to Uganda. Later, they changed the proposed destination to Liberia.Abrego Garcia was ultimately freed from immigration detention in December, but he continues to fight both his criminal charges and his deportation proceedings.At Tuesday’s hearing, Judge Xinis questioned why the Trump administration would not consider deporting Abrego Garcia to Costa Rica instead of Liberia.She pointed out that the country had recently inked an agreement to accept 25 removals from the US per week.In response, Ernesto Molina, the director of the Justice Department’s Office of Immigration Litigation, suggested that Abrego Garcia could “remove himself” to Costa Rica.But Xinis called the proposal a “fantasy” and noted that he cannot leave as long as the Justice Department is prosecuting him on criminal charges. He is legally required to attend his criminal hearings.After the tense exchange, Xinis set another hearing on the matter for April 28.

In the spring of 2002, the modest Free Butt pub on Brighton’s seafront buzzed with a restless energy. Future stars such as Natasha Khan, then a university art student, danced atop the bar while the Yeah Yeah Yeahs thundered through their first UK dates. Behind the scenes, band frontmen like Guy McKnight of Eighties Matchbox B‑Line Disaster served pints, and budding engineers like Steve Ansell of Cat on Form fine‑tuned the sound. The atmosphere felt like a rite of passage, where any performer could slip from a cramped stage to national attention.Unlike the neatly branded scenes of New York’s garage‑rock revival or London’s Libertines‑driven hype, Brighton’s early‑2000s scene resisted a single aesthetic. Rock groups emerged from rehearsal rooms and tiny clubs with wildly different looks and sounds, creating a cultural mosaic rather than a monolithic movement.Electrelane’s guitarist recalls recording their debut Rock It to the Moon in a studio once owned by the Levellers, and crafting their sophomore effort inside a former public toilet. These unconventional spaces proved surprisingly fertile, underscoring the city’s DIY spirit.By the turn of the millennium, the big‑beat dominance of Fatboy Slim and Skint Records had faded, making way for a grassroots rock surge. Sea Power relocated from Reading to Brighton, drawn by the city’s “dilapidated charm and fresh sea air”. Their self‑organized Club Sea Power nights at the Lift offered a chaotic yet liberating platform that eventually caught Rough Trade’s attention.Women played a pivotal role in shaping the scene’s infrastructure. Promoters Lisa Lout and Anna Moulson, both still active, booked seminal shows—including the Strokes’ first UK gig at the Lift in 2001—and helped launch the Great Escape festival. Their efforts ensured that bands such as the Pipettes, Electrelane and Bat for Lashes could share stages and media coverage.Artists recall the city’s palpable sense of belonging. Rose Dougall of the Pipettes describes a landscape where “alternative culture was on every street, from vintage shops to the colour of the houses,” and where “small venues made it feel attainable to launch a project.” Similarly, Brakes frontman Eamon Hamilton contrasts Brighton’s walk‑able, collaborative vibe with London’s darker, more competitive energy.Music journalism mirrored the scene’s intensity. Everett True and photographer Steve Gullick launched Careless Talk Costs Lives in 2002, a deliberately short‑run magazine that championed female writers and bands at a time when the industry was still heavily male‑dominated.As rents surged through the 2010s, many of the cheap flats, rehearsal rooms and iconic venues that underpinned the scene vanished. The Free Butt closed, independent record stores shuttered, and the once‑abundant low‑cost infrastructure dwindled, prompting a migration of creative energy down the coast to places like Margate, Ramsgate, Folkestone and Shoreham.Nevertheless, the remnants of Brighton’s network continue to nurture new talent, from the Kooks to Dream Wife and Gazelle Twin. The city’s strength lies not in a singular sound but in its capacity to host a “constant collision of wildly dissimilar bands,” allowing artists to develop authentically and fearlessly.

Health‑service workers have voiced strong unease after it emerged that engineers from the controversial US tech firm Palantir were issued NHS.net email accounts. Those accounts unlock a directory containing contact details for as many as 1.5 million NHS staff members, as well as access to SharePoint file‑sharing and Microsoft Teams groups used by the service. Palantir’s engineers are supporting the rollout of the Federated Data Platform (FDP), a £300 million contract awarded in 2023 to link patient records across disparate NHS systems. The government touts FDP as a cornerstone of its plan to "reinvent the NHS" by moving from analogue to digital, promising faster diagnoses, better appointment allocation and more personalised treatment. While the use of NHS email accounts by external suppliers is not unprecedented, Palantir’s reputation for AI‑driven surveillance and military‑grade technology has amplified staff, patient and human‑rights concerns. Rory Gibson, a resident doctor, warned that his personal contact details should not be accessible to a company that also works on drone‑strike systems. The Guardian has identified at least six Palantir engineers who have been given NHS.net credentials. In response, a Palantir spokesperson argued that such access is "normal practice for government suppliers" and cited official guidance that government systems are more secure than external alternatives. Palantir claims its software has already yielded measurable benefits: 110,000 additional operations, a 15.3% reduction in discharge delays and a 6.8% rise in cancer diagnoses within 28 days of referral. The company stresses that it merely provides software, with data usage remaining under NHS control and subject to strict contractual confidentiality. David Rowland, director of the Centre for Health and the Public Interest, acknowledged that granting NHS email addresses may not breach rules but highlighted the "deep ethical concerns" that Palantir’s profit‑driven model clashes with NHS values. He called for a comprehensive review of which private firms receive public‑sector funding. Some NHS staff reported being placed in virtual Teams meetings with Palantir personnel who joined using NHS credentials, without any disclosure of their employer – a practice that further eroded trust. Under the NHSmail access policy, "independent sector organisations" delivering health and social‑care services nationally may use NHSmail. An unrestricted NHS.net account can reveal staff roles, locations, workplace details and even grant access to commercial "Blue Light" discounts. Palantir’s technology is already deployed by UK police forces and the Ministry of Defence, prompting critics to warn that its "drag‑and‑drop" interoperability could facilitate state overreach, including a potential British analogue of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. The firm’s founders include US businessman and former Trump supporter Peter Thiel and CEO Alex Karp, both known for advocating aggressive surveillance tools. Its UK arm is led by Louis Mosley, grandson of historic British fascist leader Oswald Mosley. An NHS spokesperson reiterated that all suppliers, including Palantir, operate strictly under NHS instruction, with data access governed by robust contractual confidentiality obligations.

A union representing roughly 2,000 food‑service employees at Los Angeles Stadium has formally appealed to FIFA to ensure that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stays away from World Cup activities in the city. Unite Here Local 11, which covers cooks, servers and bartenders at the Inglewood venue, warned that a strike could become imminent if its concerns are ignored. The union highlighted that its members are still without a labor contract as the tournament approaches, and outlined three core demands for FIFA and stadium owner Kroenke Sports & Entertainment: A public pledge that ICE and Border Patrol will have no role in any World Cup‑related operations. Guarantees protecting union jobs, working conditions, and a ban on the use of artificial intelligence or automation that could displace workers. Support for a workforce‑housing fund, stricter short‑term‑rental rules, and tax measures aimed at financing affordable housing and protecting immigrant families. ICE Acting Director Todd Lyons has indicated that the agency would play a “key part” in the event, a prospect the union says threatens the safety of both workers and visitors in Los Angeles. “FIFA and its corporate sponsors will pocket billions from Los Angeles while refusing to even acknowledge the cooks, servers, and stand attendants who make this event possible,” said Kurt Petersen, co‑president of Local 11 in a statement. Local 11 also noted that it has repeatedly sought meetings with FIFA since the city was awarded hosting duties, but its requests have been ignored. The venue, known globally as SoFi Stadium, has been temporarily rebranded as Los Angeles Stadium for the World Cup due to sponsor conflicts. The stadium is slated to host eight matches, with the opening game – the United States versus Paraguay – scheduled for June 12. The union’s broader housing demands reflect rising living‑cost pressures in Inglewood and the surrounding Los Angeles area, underscoring the intersection of labor rights, immigration policy, and urban affordability ahead of the global tournament.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents are not armed while working in Canada, the agency said in a statement released as the 2026 FIFA World Cup draws near. The clarification comes amid public anxiety that U.S. officers might be deployed at tournament venues in Toronto and Vancouver.According to an ICE spokesperson quoted by CBC, the agency’s personnel collaborate with Canadian law‑enforcement partners on joint investigations into narcotics, weapons smuggling and human trafficking. However, they do not perform operational duties such as executing search warrants or making arrests on Canadian soil.ICE maintains five offices across Canada, including locations in the World Cup host cities of Toronto and Vancouver, which together will host 13 matches. Despite this presence, a spokesperson for Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree emphasized that ICE has no legal jurisdiction in Canada.Federal law grants U.S. immigration agents the power to arrest and detain individuals suspected of violating U.S. immigration statutes, but those powers do not extend beyond American borders. The distinction is crucial as Toronto’s city council recently passed a motion opposing any deployment of U.S. agents at World Cup venues.The clarification follows earlier protests, such as the February demonstration in Milan where hundreds rallied against ICE’s presence ahead of the Milano‑Cortina Winter Games. Those events underscore the sensitivity surrounding foreign law‑enforcement agencies operating in host nations of major sporting events.By confirming that its agents are unarmed and lack enforcement authority in Canada, ICE aims to allay concerns and preserve the collaborative spirit between the United States and Canada as they prepare for a tournament expected to draw millions of visitors.

According to the United Nations' International Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 180 people are feared dead or missing after a series of shipwrecks in the Mediterranean over the past ten days, pushing the year‑to‑date death toll to almost 1,000 since January 2026. The agency disclosed that approximately 765 deaths have occurred in the Central Mediterranean alone, surpassing the same period last year by over 460 fatalities. Across the entire Mediterranean, IOM recorded at least 990 deaths, describing it as "one of the deadliest starts to a year since 2014," when systematic data collection began. Since March 28, five separate shipwrecks have claimed the lives of or left missing at least 181 individuals. The most recent tragedy on Sunday involved a vessel that departed from Tajoura, Libya, with roughly 120 migrants aboard; rough weather caused the boat to capsize, leaving more than 80 people missing. Rescue efforts saved 32 survivors, who were later transferred to Lampedusa by the Italian coast guard, and two bodies were recovered. Libya continues to serve as a primary transit hub for migrants fleeing conflict and poverty in Africa and the Middle East, a situation exacerbated by the country's ongoing instability since the 2011 uprising that ousted Muammar Gaddafi. Lampedusa, the tiny Italian island that functions as Europe’s main entry point from North Africa, has witnessed a grim pattern of loss. An earlier shipwreck on April 1 off Lampedusa resulted in at least 19 confirmed deaths and the rescue of 58 people, many of whom remain in critical condition. Survivors reported that the vessel had left the Libyan port of Zuara between March 28 and 29. IOM chief Amy Pope emphasized that these incidents highlight a persistent humanitarian emergency: "These tragedies show, once again, that far too many people are still risking their lives on dangerous routes," she said. Pope called for immediate action, stating that saving lives must be the priority and urging the international community to strengthen coordinated efforts against traffickers, expand safe and regular migration pathways, and prevent future deaths. The surge in fatalities underscores the urgent need for policy reforms and increased rescue capacity in the Mediterranean, as the region grapples with a mounting humanitarian crisis that threatens both lives and regional stability.

Uber confirmed on April 7, 2026 that it is broadening its AWS cloud contract to run additional ride‑sharing features on Amazon’s in‑house silicon. The company will increase usage of the ARM‑based Graviton server CPUs and begin a pilot of the Trainium3 AI chip, Amazon’s answer to Nvidia’s accelerators. Uber Expands AWS Contract to Include Graviton CPUs and Trainium3 AI Chip Expanded workload migration from Uber’s legacy data centers to AWS. Increased deployment of low‑power Graviton instances for core ride‑matching services. Launch of a controlled trial of the next‑gen Trainium3 AI accelerator for demand‑forecasting and routing algorithms. Financial Stakes and Chip Market Shifts Amazon’s AI chip business was described by CEO Andy Jassy as a "multibillion‑dollar" operation. Oracle’s earlier exit from Ampere yielded a $2.7 billion pre‑tax gain, underscoring the high‑value nature of ARM‑based silicon. Uber’s renewed spend with AWS is expected to offset portions of its prior multi‑year contracts with Google Cloud and Oracle Cloud Infrastructure. Strategic Blow to Google, Oracle and Nvidia The deal is less about a direct threat to Nvidia and more about Amazon flexing its silicon advantage against cloud rivals. By pulling a former Oracle‑backed ARM player (Ampere) into its ecosystem, AWS positions itself as the preferred partner for AI‑intensive workloads, challenging both Google and Oracle which have historically leaned on Nvidia GPUs. Future Outlook: Cloud Competition and AI Chip Landscape Expect more enterprise customers to evaluate ARM‑based CPUs and Amazon‑designed AI chips for cost‑efficiency. Google and Oracle may accelerate their own silicon roadmaps or deepen Nvidia ties to retain market share. Uber’s trial of Trainium3 could set a benchmark for AI‑driven ride‑hailing optimization, potentially prompting broader industry adoption.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

The United States has revoked the permanent residency of two women identified as relatives of the late Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, the former head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps foreign arm.According to a State Department statement released on Saturday, Hamideh Soleimani Afshar—Soleimani’s niece—and her daughter were arrested on Friday night and are now in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which is seeking their removal from the country.The decision has sparked a debate over the limits of free‑speech protections in the United States and whether family members should be penalised for the actions or affiliations of their relatives.In its release, the State Department described Afshar as “an outspoken supporter of the totalitarian, terrorist regime in Iran,” adding that such rhetoric would not be tolerated under the Trump administration. The statement read: “The Trump Administration will not allow our country to become a home for foreign nationals who support anti‑American terrorist regimes.”Iranian media, however, quoted Afshar’s daughter, Zeinab Soleimani, who denied any connection to the late Quds Force leader, stating, “The individuals arrested in the United States have no connection whatsoever to martyr Soleimani, and the claim made by the US State Department is false.”The arrests occur at the five‑week mark of the U.S.‑Israel war on Iran, which began on February 28, 2026.This is the second known instance this month that the Trump administration has stripped legal immigration status from individuals allegedly linked to senior Iranian figures.Secretary of State Marco Rubio took to social media to claim credit for the action, writing, “This week, I terminated both Afshar and her daughter’s legal status.” He added that Afshar had “celebrated attacks on Americans and referred to our country as the ‘Great Satan.’”The State Department also highlighted Afshar’s “lavish lifestyle” in Los Angeles and noted that her husband has been barred from entering the United States.Similar pressure was applied earlier this month to Fatemeh Ardeshir‑Larijani, the daughter of the late Iranian official Ali Larijani. Both she and her husband, Seyed Kalantar Motamedi, had their U.S. immigration status revoked and were prohibited from re‑entering the country. Larijani, a former head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on March 17.The moves reflect growing influence from conservative politicians and activists demanding the expulsion of individuals with familial ties to Iran’s leadership.Far‑right influencer and Trump ally Laura Loomer claimed she had reported Afshar to the State Department and thanked Rubio, calling the removal a “big scalp.” An online petition on Change.org, launched two months ago, had already gathered more than 4,000 signatures calling for Afshar’s deportation.Ardeshir‑Larijani, who previously worked in oncology at Emory University’s School of Medicine, became a target of protests after Iran’s crackdown on anti‑government demonstrators in December and January. A separate Change.org petition demanding her deportation amassed 157,017 signatures by Saturday.The petition emphasized her familial links to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the war, arguing that while she lives peacefully in the U.S., “countless young Iranians are dying in Iran due to the policies and decisions made by Ali Khamenei and his inner circle, including her father.”U.S. Congressman Earl “Buddy” Carter of Georgia echoed the call, urging that Ardeshir‑Larijani’s medical license be revoked. He wrote, “America’s medical institutions must not serve as a safe harbor for individuals connected by blood and loyalty to regimes that openly call for the death of Americans.”According to Emory’s student newspaper, The Emory Wheel, Ardeshir‑Larijani was no longer employed by the university as of January.