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British Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared that the United Kingdom will not participate in the United States’ proposed blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, distancing London from President Donald Trump’s latest escalation against Iran.Speaking on BBC Radio, Starmer said, "We are not supporting the blockade," and added that the UK will not be "dragged into the US‑Israel war on Iran."The Strait of Hormuz is a strategic chokepoint through which about 20 % of the world’s oil supplies transit in peacetime. Starmer stressed that reopening the waterway is vital for global energy security and that the UK’s diplomatic efforts over recent weeks have focused on that goal.Meanwhile, the US Central Command announced it would block all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports from 14:00 GMT, though it provided few details on how the blockade would be enforced. The statement claimed the action would be applied impartially to vessels of all nations, yet it also noted that ships bound for non‑Iranian ports would not be impeded.President Trump, in a lengthy social‑media post, framed the operation as a mission to clear mines and prevent Iran from profiting from control of the strait.In a parallel diplomatic move, French President Emmanuel Macron said France and the United Kingdom will convene a conference in the coming days aimed at restoring freedom of navigation, reaffirming that “no diplomatic effort will be spared” to end the US‑Israel conflict over Iran.Nicole Grajewski, an assistant professor at Sciences Po, warned that the US blockade constitutes “more than a minor coercive signal” and effectively marks a resumption of hostilities.Other allies echoed criticism: Spanish Defence Minister Margarita Robles called the plan “makes no sense,” Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan urged “negotiations with Iran and the swift reopening of the strait,” and Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun emphasized that the strait’s security is “in the common interest of the international community.”Starmer’s stance reflects a careful balancing act—maintaining NATO solidarity while refusing to endorse direct military pressure on Iran—highlighting the complex geopolitics surrounding one of the world’s most crucial maritime corridors.

At 19,000 miles above the lunar surface, the Artemis II astronauts heard the voice of Apollo‑13 commander Jim Lovell greeting them from beyond the grave, a message recorded shortly before his death at 97. Mission control transmitted the tribute on the morning of 6 April, when astronaut Reid Wiseman held a silk square bearing the original Apollo 8 patch—handed to him by Lovell’s son—before the crew’s launch. Launch director Charlie Blackwell‑Thompson secured a unanimous "go" from every console, a moment the author describes as a snapshot of humanity’s capacity to honor the past while reaching for the future. The ceremony stood in stark contrast to the Pentagon’s agenda. Two decades after a 2006 Iraqi kill‑board note reading “Let the bodies hit the floor,” the current defense chief pledged “death and destruction from the sky all day long” against Iran, a stance legal scholars warn could constitute a war crime. That rhetoric accompanies a proposed $1.5 trillion defense budget, including an additional $200 billion earmarked for operations against Iran—figures that dwarf NASA’s entire annual budget of $24.4 billion. Amid this fiscal disparity, crew members reflected on their place in history. Victor Glover, the first Black astronaut to travel deep space, described the view of Earth as an "oasis" in the void, while Christina Koch, the first woman to orbit the Moon, pressed her face to the window and formed a heart with her hands, calling the mission’s spirit "humility." Reid Wiseman watched the planet rotate beneath him, noting the sight of Africa, Europe, and the aurora‑lit north, saying it "paused all four of us in our tracks." Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen broke Jim Lovell’s 56‑year distance record and asked mission control to name a lunar feature after his late wife, Carroll. The crew agreed, designating a bright spot on the Moon as "Carroll," a tribute that will endure beyond any single lifetime. When Koch announced the spacecraft’s descent, she radioed, "We are now falling to the moon rather than rising away from Earth," a poetic reversal that underscored the mission’s symbolic return. The article recalls the author’s 2022 reflection on the James Webb Space Telescope, noting how humanity’s finest inventions now aim outward, seeking answers to our origins rather than turning inward toward conflict. Artemis II’s vessel, named Integrity, carried four breathing humans who, in a moment of collective grief, pressed their faces to the glass and imagined the faces of every loved one ever lived, captured in a single frame. Beyond the spacecraft, cultural threads wove through the mission: Hansen’s patch displayed the Seven Sacred Teachings of the Anishinaabe people, and the Chinese myth of Chang’e reminded viewers of the Moon’s timeless allure. As Carl Sagan famously wrote, "We are made of star‑stuff," the Artemis crew embodied that sentiment—not as passive observers, but as active participants in a fragile, hopeful narrative that rises above the relentless tally of bodies on Earth’s battlefields.

Oil prices jumped back above $100 a barrel and global stocks fell after weekend talks between the US and Iran ended without an agreement and Donald Trump imposed a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. The US president announced the blockade on Sunday, targeting Iranian vessels and ships that have paid a toll to Iran for passage through the strait, in an attempt to choke off the flow of Iranian oil.US Central Command said it would start at 10am ET (5.30pm in Iran and 3pm in the UK), blocking all Iranian Gulf ports and coastal areas, in effect seizing control of maritime traffic in the Strait of Hormuz. The news drove oil and gas prices sharply higher again, after the two-week ceasefire between the US and Iran announced on Wednesday prompted a sharp fall in energy prices, and crude ended the week below the psychological $100 a barrel threshold.Brent crude rose by nearly 7% to $101.74 a barrel on Monday morning, while US crude is up more than 8% to $104.69 a barrel. Gas prices also increased, with the British wholesale gas contract for May soaring by 11.7% to 122.5p a therm. Analysts at JPMorgan Chase said last week they expected oil prices to stay high in the second quarter, above $100 a barrel, before easing in the second half of the year.Most Asian stock markets fell on Monday, with Japan’s Nikkei down 0.7% and Hong Kong’s Hang Seng index losing 1%, while Chinese stocks rose slightly. Sentiment was helped by Beijing’s announcement of a 10-initiative strategy aimed at deepening ties with Taiwan. European stocks also fell, led by airlines including Lufthansa, Wizz Air, easyJet and British Airways parent IAG. The FTSE 100 index in London lost 0.4%, dropping 45 points to 10,555. Germany’s Dax fell 1%, Italy’s FTSE MiB slipped 0.7% and Spain’s Ibex was down 1.1%. With oil and gas prices rising sharply higher, energy companies such as BP and Shell are rallying.Priyanka Sachdeva, senior market analyst at the broker Phillip Nova, said: “In today’s environment, every barrel of risk added to oil markets carries an inflation price tag for the global economy.” She added: “The market reaction underscores a simple but powerful reality: Hormuz risk is not theoretical; it is structural, and it is real.”Interest rate expectations have shifted again; investors now see an 84% chance of two rate increases from the Bank of England this year to tackle rising inflation, up from 60% on Friday. Before the Iran war, the central bank was expected to cut rates. The price of gold fell 0.4% to $4,730.75 an ounce as the blockade fuelled inflation concerns, prompting traders to scale back expectations for Federal Reserve rate cuts this year.

Three Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs) successfully navigated the Strait of Hormuz on Saturday, marking a rare movement of oil cargoes amid the fragile truce between the United States and Iran.The vessels – the Liberia‑flagged Serifos, and the China‑flagged Cospearl Lake and He Rong Hai – each can transport about 2 million barrels of crude, collectively representing a significant volume for a waterway that channels roughly 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments.According to data from the London Stock Exchange Group (LSEG) and analytics firm Kpler, the Serifos is chartered by Thailand’s state‑owned energy firm PTT. Loaded with Saudi and UAE crude in early March, it is slated to dock at Malaysia’s Malacca Port on April 21.The other two carriers, Cospearl Lake and He Rong Hai, are chartered by Unipec, the trading arm of Chinese energy giant Sinopec. Cospearl Lake, carrying Iraqi oil, is expected to reach China’s Zhoushan port on May 1, while the destination for He Rong Hai remains undisclosed.Earlier, a tanker named Ocean Thunder, chartered by a Petronas subsidiary, also transited the strait, underscoring a gradual, albeit limited, resumption of traffic.Despite these movements, hundreds of tankers remain stranded in the Gulf, awaiting clearance during the two‑week ceasefire. Their prolonged idling continues to pressure global energy prices, which have surged since Iran’s blockade began in late February.In addition to the loaded vessels, three empty tankers – Mombasa B, Agios Fanourios I, and Shalamar – were observed heading into the strait on Sunday to load fresh cargoes. Notably, Agios Fanourios I signaled a route to Iraq’s Basrah fields to pick up crude destined for Vietnam.Management firms such as Eastern Mediterranean Maritime, Cmb.Tech NV, and Pakistan National Shipping have not provided comments on the recent transits.While the passage of these three supertankers offers a modest relief to the global oil supply chain, the overall situation remains precarious. The continuation of the ceasefire and the resolution of Iran’s blockade will be critical determinants of oil market stability in the weeks ahead.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

US President Donald Trump has announced that countries supplying Iran with military weapons will face immediate 50% tariffs on all goods sold to the United States, with no exemptions. This move comes hours after Trump agreed to a two-week ceasefire with Tehran.In a social media post, Trump stated that 'A Country supplying Military Weapons to Iran will be immediately tariffed, on any and all goods sold to the United States of America, 50%, effective immediately. There will be no exclusions or exemptions!'However, experts have raised questions about the legal authority behind Trump's announcement, as the Supreme Court struck down his use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose broad global tariffs in February. The IEEPA has been used extensively for decades to back financial sanctions against Iran, Russia, and North Korea.Rachel Ziemba, adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, told Al Jazeera that 'it's a lot more complicated to do that after IEEPA was struck down. There's no immediate policy lever and authorisation that is available for the US to do that. So they need either an act of Congress or need to adapt some other trade tool.'Trump did not specify which countries could face punitive tariffs, but China and Russia have helped Iran build military capacity to counter US and Israeli pressure. The US imports from Russia have fallen sharply since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the wave of financial sanctions imposed on Moscow.Josh Lipsky, vice president and chair of international economics at the Atlantic Council, said that 'this is a China-related threat, the way I read it. And China will read it that way.' However, he also noted that Trump was unlikely to follow through with new tariffs in the near term because that would derail his planned trip to Beijing to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping in mid-May.

The ceasefire deal between Iran and the US has been hailed as a significant achievement for China, which has been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to hostilities in the region. Beijing's powerbrokers are being credited with pushing Iran towards agreeing to the ceasefire, bolstering its status as a regional mediator.In China's tightly censored domestic media, articles basking in the glory of China being the grown-up in the room at a time of international crisis were allowed to circulate. China's role in the negotiations was confirmed by US President Donald Trump, who told the Agence France-Presse news agency that he believed China had got Iran to agree to a ceasefire.However, some analysts are sceptical about how influential China could actually have been in the late-night discussions. The deal is advantageous to Iran, and encouraging the regime to agree to it would have been like 'pushing an open door', according to one analyst. Nicholas Lyall, a senior researcher at Trends, a research and advisory firm in Abu Dhabi, said: 'In terms of whether China had to do much pushing of Iran for it to agree to the temporary ceasefire, and whether Iran was swayed by this reported Chinese effort, it's essential to clarify what Iran has actually agreed to.'Officially, China has not confirmed or denied reports that it played an active role in the Islamabad negotiations. At a press conference on Wednesday, the foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said only that China 'had been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to all hostilities'. China's economic interests are also at stake, as the risk of a global recession and soaring fossil fuel prices poses a threat to the Chinese economy, which is heavily dependent on exports.Analysts are even more sceptical of the idea that China might act as the guarantor of any ceasefire agreement in the Middle East. Song Bo, a fellow at the Center for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University, said: 'China doesn't have a direct stake with any of the parties in the Middle East. Acting as a guarantor for a ceasefire would be an extremely high-cost diplomatic undertaking, and I don't think China would commit to that easily.'

The UK government has pledged £380 million to accelerate the build‑out of a new battery factory in Somerset that will supply Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) with cells for its forthcoming electric Range Rover and Jaguar models. The plant, operated by Tata’s battery subsidiary Agratas, was highlighted during a site visit by Business Secretary Peter Kyle, who emphasized the grant’s role in safeguarding jobs and driving economic growth. When fully operational, the gigafactory is projected to employ 4,200 workers and deliver up to 40 GWh of battery capacity annually—enough for hundreds of thousands of electric vehicles. It will become the UK’s second high‑volume battery facility after the Chinese‑owned AESC plant in Sunderland. Construction remains in its early stages, with only a steel frame erected so far. Although the original timetable targeted production start‑up in 2026, delays have pushed the expected commencement to the end of 2027. Agratas has reduced the footprint of the first building but claims the change reflects more efficient process design rather than a cut‑back in output. JLR, the nation’s largest automotive employer, had planned to launch its electric Range Rover in 2025, but the debut has slipped to 2026 and the vehicle is still not on sale. The postponement follows a broader trend of EV manufacturers worldwide scaling back or postponing battery projects after over‑optimistic forecasts of rapid consumer migration from petrol. Recent spikes in petrol prices—spurred by geopolitical tensions linked to Donald Trump’s war in Iran—could make electric cars more appealing, potentially justifying the sizeable capital commitments required for a transition to EV production. Until the Somerset facility becomes operational, JLR will continue to source batteries from AESC. That arrangement was confirmed last year by investment bank Société Générale, though references to JLR have since been removed from public statements. In addition to the battery grant, Tata previously secured a £500 million pledge to modernise its Welsh steelworks with electric arc furnaces, underscoring the government’s broader push for greener industrial capacity. Peter Kyle said the investment, alongside other automotive research initiatives announced on the same day, would “boost economic growth, secure jobs and put more money in people’s pockets.” He added that the UK’s “modern industrial strategy” provides the stability needed for long‑term planning. Earl Wiggins, Agratas’s vice‑president for UK manufacturing, welcomed the funding, noting it will enable the company to “deliver net‑zero goals and strengthen the UK’s position as a global leader in battery manufacturing.” He projected that over 2,200 staff would be on‑site within the next year, with further growth thereafter.

Cheng Li-wun, chairwoman of Taiwan’s main opposition party the Kuomintang (KMT), used a high‑profile trip to mainland China to advocate for renewed dialogue with Beijing. On Wednesday she laid a wreath at Sun Yat‑sen’s mausoleum in Nanjing, invoking the revolutionary’s legacy of “equality, inclusiveness and unity” as a moral foundation for cross‑strait reconciliation. Her visit marks the first time a KMT leader has set foot in China in ten years. Cheng said the core values of Sun’s ideal—"all under heaven are equal"—should guide efforts to promote reconciliation and regional prosperity across the Taiwan Strait. During the trip Cheng also expressed hopes to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping, framing the potential encounter as a diplomatic test that could demonstrate the effectiveness of dialogue over deterrence. The timing of the trip is notable. It comes amid heightened friction between Taipei and Beijing, with China continuing to assert sovereignty over Taiwan while refusing to engage with President William Lai Ching‑te, whom it labels a “separatist”. Amid concerns that a distracted United States may be less able to guarantee Taiwan’s security, some Taiwanese voters view a thaw in relations as attractive. Wen‑ti Sung, a non‑resident fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub, told Al Jazeera that a cordial photo‑op between Cheng and Xi could bolster the KMT’s argument that dialogue is more effective than military deterrence. Domestically, Cheng’s outreach occurs as Taiwan’s opposition‑controlled parliament has stalled a proposed $40 billion increase in defence spending. She acknowledged Taiwan’s democratic evolution, referencing the legacy of the “White Terror” period, while also praising China’s recent development achievements. The governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) sharply criticized the trip, accusing the KMT of undermining national security. Party spokesperson Wu Cheng argued that if the opposition truly seeks stability, it should stop blocking the defence budget increase. Neither Beijing nor Taipei formally recognises the other’s government, leaving any dialogue fragile and heavily politicised. Cheng’s visit therefore represents both a symbolic gesture toward historic ties and a contested move within Taiwan’s polarized political landscape.