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The 60-Day Constitutional Crossroads in the Iran ConflictWashington, DC – The 60-day mark of the United States and Israel's war with Iran represents a fork in the road for US lawmakers: will they assert their authority – either in support or against – the conflict, or remain silent? This constitutional deadline, mandated by the War Powers Act of 1973, requires presidents to cease military action after 60 days unless they receive congressional authorization to continue.Despite this clear legal requirement, US presidents have for decades pushed the limits of their war-making authority, often flouting the 60-day deadline while Congress has regularly remained silent on the matter. With the threshold set to be reached on May 1 – marking 60 days from when US President Donald Trump officially notified Congress of the US-Israel attacks on Iran that began on February 28 – the question of congressional oversight has never been more pressing.War Powers Act and Presidential AuthorityThe US Constitution limits a president's war-making powers, with the 1973 War Powers Act further codifying that presidents must cease military action after 60 days or receive congressional authorization to legally continue. However, according to David Janovsky, acting director of the Constitution Project at the Project on Government Oversight (POGO), presidents have historically pushed these boundaries.Given the federal courts' historical reluctance to weigh in on matters of armed conflict, it remains unclear what the pending deadline will bring. Under the War Powers Act, Trump could request a 30-day extension to complete a troop withdrawal, but that would preclude any new offensive operations. The onus should be on Trump to stop the war after the deadline, regardless of what actions Congress takes. If not, his power to wage war would be subject to legal challenges in federal court.Political Calculations in CongressSo far, political brass in Congress has not revealed how they plan to proceed in the days ahead. Republicans, who control a slim majority in the Senate and the House of Representatives, have already scuttled a series of resolutions to rein in Trump's military authorities and have shown general unity in not publicly opposing the war with Iran.However, divisions are emerging within Republican ranks. At least two Republicans, Senators Thom Tillis and Susan Collins, have suggested they would not vote to approve further US military action following May 1. Senator Lisa Murkowski, a Republican, has indicated she is working on an authorization of use of military force (AUMF) on the war, which would allow the US military to continue operations without a full declaration of war.The debate comes as many Republican lawmakers are privately acknowledging that the military campaign is exacting potentially irreparable political damage in the run-up to the midterm elections in November. Polls have shown dismal support among independents and slumping, if still majority, support among Republicans.Regional and Global ImplicationsThe Iran conflict has already resulted in significant casualties, with at least 3,300 people killed in Iran amid the US-Israel attacks. Dozens more, including 13 US military personnel, have been killed by Iran's retaliatory strikes across the region. The Trump administration has promised to decimate Iran's military capabilities, hitting at least 13,000 targets before the pause in fighting began, while pledging to dismantle the country's nuclear program and foment wider regime change.The war has also had significant geopolitical implications, with Gulf leaders meeting in Saudi Arabia for the first time since the start of the conflict and the UAE leaving OPEC in a blow to the oil cartel. These developments signal a potential realignment of regional power dynamics that could extend far beyond the immediate conflict.Future Scenarios Beyond the DeadlinePresidents have long tinkered with the definition of 'hostilities' under the War Powers Act to avoid congressional approval. From Clinton's operations in Iraq and Somalia to Obama's argument that the scope of military operations in Libya in 2011 was not subject to the Act, the pattern of presidential overreach has continued.Still, POGO's Janovsky noted that another round of congressional inaction would represent a leap in even the most generous interpretations of what is and is not subject to the law. As the pause in fighting that began on April 8 continues, with Trump repeatedly lodging threats of new attacks, the legal and political questions surrounding the conflict remain unresolved.Ultimately, the 60-day mark represents not just a legal deadline but a critical moment for the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches. Whether Congress chooses to assert its constitutional authority or continue its pattern of deference to presidential war-making will have profound implications for the future of US foreign policy and the separation of powers.

The LeadUnited States President Donald Trump's approval rating has dropped to its lowest point since he returned to the White House, sinking to 34 percent amid economic uncertainty and the US-Israel war on Iran, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll. The declining popularity comes as his Republican Party prepares for crucial midterm elections in November.Record Low Approval Amid CrisisThe poll, released on Tuesday, shows Trump's approval rating has reached a nadir since his return to office, with only 22 percent of respondents backing his performance on the cost of living - a top issue for US voters. The Iran war, which has seen Tehran block most shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, has sent energy prices soaring globally and fueled inflation in the US, further damaging Trump's standing.Political Fallout and Election ImplicationsThe declining approval ratings pose significant challenges for Trump's Republican Party as it seeks to retain control of the Senate and House of Representatives in the upcoming midterm elections. Despite Trump's abysmal job approval ratings, he continues to enjoy near-unanimous support from Republicans in Congress, though there are signs of growing dissent even within the party ranks.Public Sentiment on the Iran ConflictThe Iran conflict remains unpopular with US voters, including a sizeable Republican constituency. A Marquette Law School survey released last week suggested that only 32 percent of voters approve of Trump's handling of the war, with the number rising to 65 percent among Republican respondents - still showing significant dissent within the party. A separate Associated Press-NORC poll corroborated these findings, reporting Trump's overall approval rating at 33 percent, support for the war at 32 percent, and his handling of the economy at 30 percent.Economic Impact and Rising CostsThe Iran war has had tangible economic consequences for American consumers. The average price of 1 gallon of petrol in the US is currently at $4.17, up from less than $3 before the conflict began. Despite the US and Iran reaching a two-week ceasefire on April 8 that Trump extended indefinitely, tensions remain high in the region. Dueling blockades in the Gulf - Iran shutting down the Strait of Hormuz and the US laying a naval siege on Iranian ports - have caused global energy supply issues to persist despite the truce.Future Outlook and Political StrategyAs the midterm elections approach, Trump appears to be adopting a strategy of projecting confidence in the face of challenges. He has suggested he is comfortable with the status quo, claiming repeatedly that the Iranian economy is crumbling and that time is on his side. In a recent social media post, Trump wrote: "Iran has just informed us that they are in a 'State of Collapse,'... They want us to 'Open the Hormuz Strait,' as soon as possible." However, it remains unclear how or why Iran, which is refusing direct negotiations without lifting the naval blockade, would inform Trump of its economic difficulties.

The UAE has formally withdrawn from the oil‑producing cartel OPEC, a decision framed as both a political statement and a business strategy that could upend the balance of power within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and alter global oil dynamics.UAE’s Unilateral Walk‑out from OPECIn a surprise announcement made during an emergency GCC session in Jeddah, the emirate signaled its intent to act independently of the cartel it joined in 1967. The move follows long‑standing tensions with Saudi Arabia over production quotas and reflects the UAE’s desire to respond swiftly to a future of constrained supplies.Decision announced: 28 April 2026No prior consultation with GCC membersPositioned as the Gulf state most aligned with Donald Trump’s anti‑OPEC stanceProduction Numbers and Market ShockAdnoc projects a boost from 3.4 million barrels per day (bpd) pre‑conflict to 5 million bpd by 2027. However, after the Strait of Hormuz closure, UAE output fell 44 % to 1.9 million bpd in March.Region‑wide, the Iran war erased 7.88 million bpd of OPEC production in March, driving total output down 27 % to 20.79 million bpd – the steepest decline in recent decades.Shifting Balance of Power in the GulfAnalysts such as Dr Ebtesam Al‑Ketbi view the exit as a self‑interest move that could weaken OPEC cohesion while enhancing the UAE’s ability to influence global supply. The decision also underscores growing friction between the UAE and Riyadh, especially as the emirate pursues a more US‑centric foreign policy and has already leveraged financial pressure on Pakistan.GCC cohesion appears at its lowest, with diplomatic adviser Dr Anwar Gargash warning that the bloc’s collective security response to Iran’s attacks is “the weakest in history.”What the Next Six Months May Hold for Regional AlliancesIf the UAE successfully ramps up production, it could become a swing producer, forcing Saudi Arabia to renegotiate its pricing strategy and potentially prompting a realignment of GCC politics. Conversely, heightened rivalry may push Riyadh to deepen ties with other regional actors, including Turkey or Iran, to counterbalance Emirati influence.Stakeholders should watch for:Saudi policy adjustments on OPEC‑plus quotasUS diplomatic engagement with the UAE versus Saudi ArabiaPotential economic retaliation against countries perceived as siding with Iran

On Tuesday, April 28, 2026, the United Arab Emirates confirmed its decision to withdraw from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the broader OPEC+ framework, with the exit set to take effect on May 1, 2026. The Gulf state, which contributes roughly 4.8 million barrels per day of spare capacity, cited “national interests” amid an escalating US‑Israel‑Iran conflict. UAE’s Formal Exit and the Mechanics of Withdrawal The announcement marked the end of a membership that began in 1967. The UAE’s statement outlined a straightforward hand‑over process, allowing OPEC to re‑allocate its quota without disrupting the cartel’s production schedule. April 28, 2026: UAE issues withdrawal statement. May 1, 2026: Withdrawal becomes effective. OPEC to adjust the collective quota to reflect the loss of 4.8 mb/d from the UAE. Quantifying the Loss: Production Capacity and Global Share While the UAE’s daily output is modest compared with the cartel’s total, its spare‑capacity role has been strategically valuable. UAE capacity: ~4.8 million barrels per day (mb/d). OPEC’s global share: ~30 % of world oil supply. OPEC+’s global share: ~41 % of world oil supply. Potential reduction in OPEC+ spare capacity: ~1.5 % of global supply. Geopolitical Ripple Effects Across the Gulf and Global Oil Cartel The departure underscores a broader realignment in Gulf politics. Tensions with Saudi Arabia over Yemen and divergent foreign‑policy priorities have pushed Abu Dhabi toward deeper ties with the United States and Israel, especially after the 2020 Abraham Accords. The move also signals to other members that national‑interest calculations can outweigh collective cartel discipline. Potential strain on Saudi‑UAE coordination within OPEC. Increased likelihood of the United States influencing OPEC+ output decisions. Historical precedent: Indonesia (2009), Qatar (2019), Ecuador (2020) withdrew over quota disputes. Outlook: How OPEC+ Might Recalibrate and What Prices Could Do Analysts expect OPEC+ to seek a swift quota reallocation to preserve market stability. If the group compensates the shortfall with higher output from existing members or by tightening overall production, Brent crude could see a short‑term price uptick of 1‑2 %. Conversely, a prolonged lack of consensus may fuel volatility, especially as the region navigates the ongoing US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation. Short‑term (3‑6 months): Possible price rise of 1‑2 % if OPEC+ tightens quotas. Medium‑term (6‑12 months): Market may adjust to a new baseline with reduced spare capacity. Strategic implication: OPEC+ may deepen cooperation with non‑member producers (e.g., Russia) to offset the UAE’s exit.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) convened in Jeddah on 28 April 2026, marking the first in‑person gathering of its leaders since the war between the United States‑Israel coalition and Iran began two months ago. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman welcomed the delegations, and the summit underscored a unified Gulf stance on reopening the Strait of Hormuz and pursuing a diplomatic pathway to regional stability.Jeddah Summit Marks First In‑Person GCC Gathering Since War BeganAttendees: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (Saudi Arabia), Crown Prince Sheikh Sabah Al‑Khaled Al‑Hamad Al‑Sabah (Kuwait), King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa (Bahrain), Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani (Qatar), plus ministers from Oman and the United Arab Emirates.Key agenda: coordination on the Iran conflict, humanitarian impact of the Hormuz blockade, and a collective diplomatic push for a cease‑fire.Economic Stakes: One‑Fifth of Global Oil and LNG Flow Through HormuzThe Strait of Hormuz transports roughly 20% of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas in peacetime.All six energy‑rich GCC states—Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates—stress that any settlement must guarantee a permanent reopening of the waterway.Regional Power Dynamics Shift as UAE Exits OPECDuring the Jeddah talks, the UAE announced its withdrawal from OPEC and OPEC+, citing “national interests.”This move weakens the traditional oil‑exporting bloc and could reshape global supply calculations amid the conflict.Analysts warn that the exit may prompt other GCC members to reassess their cartel commitments.What Lies Ahead for Gulf Diplomacy and the Iran ConflictWith the United States reviewing an Iranian proposal to end hostilities and reopen Hormuz, the GCC’s unified front could serve as a bargaining chip in any future negotiations. However, lingering mistrust—exemplified by Qatar’s warning against a “frozen conflict”—suggests that the Gulf will remain vigilant, balancing diplomatic overtures with readiness to defend critical energy infrastructure.

The LeadQatar has issued a strong condemnation against the use of the Hormuz Strait as a political weapon, declaring such actions unacceptable in the current geopolitical climate. The statement comes amid heightened tensions in the Middle East, where strategic waterways have become focal points of international disputes and power struggles.Qatar's Position on Hormuz StraitThe Gulf nation made its stance clear during a recent diplomatic address, emphasizing that the Hormuz Strait - a critical maritime chokepoint through which a significant portion of global oil exports pass - should remain free from political manipulation. Qatar's foreign ministry officials stressed that any attempts to weaponize this vital waterway would be detrimental to regional stability and global energy security.Geopolitical Implications for the Middle EastThis development reflects the complex power dynamics in the Middle East, where control over strategic waterways has become increasingly contested. The Hormuz Strait, connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea, serves as a crucial transit route for oil exports from Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, and the UAE. Qatar's condemnation signals its alignment with maintaining freedom of navigation in the region while positioning itself as a diplomatic voice amid ongoing tensions.Future Outlook for Regional StabilityAs geopolitical tensions continue to evolve in the Middle East, Qatar's stance on the Hormuz Strait may influence other nations in the region. The condemnation could potentially lead to increased diplomatic efforts to ensure the strait remains open and neutral, preventing it from becoming a flashpoint in international conflicts. However, with multiple regional powers vying for influence, the long-term stability of this critical maritime route remains uncertain and will likely continue to be a focal point of diplomatic negotiations in the coming months.

Britain's Silent War: The New Reality of Hybrid Conflict We are at war. Four words that sound ludicrously melodramatic on a sunny spring day, when all may not be exactly right with the world – but when you can still shut your eyes to a lot of it just by switching off the news and cracking on with life. No bombs are falling, no bullets flying, no sirens sounding. Though the idea that Britain is already under a form of hybrid attack is commonplace in defence circles, politicians still mostly skirt around it. The Five Fronts of Modern Hybrid Warfare If war can be considered an assault on five fronts – against a country's political leadership, critical infrastructure, essentials such as food or fuel supplies, civilian population and armed forces – then Britain is arguably now being attacked on the first four without a shot being fired. Think of rampant, Russian-generated political disinformation on social media and attempts to bribe British politicians; of Russian submarine surveillance of the British undersea cables carrying most of our internet traffic, or the four "nationally significant" cyber-attacks recorded every week; of the blockading of food and fuel supplies through the strait of Hormuz. The Shadow War Tactics Think, too, of Keir Starmer's warning in the Sunday Times last week of conflict with Iran coming home to British civilians via "the use of proxies in this country". He didn't elaborate, but counter-terrorism police say they are investigating whether a spate of arson attacks on synagogues, Jewish-owned businesses and Iranians living in Britain may have been sponsored by Tehran – a thugs-for-hire tactic familiar from the Russian playbook for sowing division and hate. The Strategic Defense Review's Warning It's 10 months since the strategic defence review, commissioned by the former Labour defence secretary George Robertson, similarly argued that Britain must urgently equip itself not for the expeditionary foreign wars against non-state actors we're used to fighting alongside the US, but for homeland defence against a well-armed peer country in a sustained conflict. To strip away the jargon: if when you imagine Britain at war, you think of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts, you're out of date. The Political Response Gap Forgotten in the resulting row over how to find more money for defence – to which Bailey's answer, incidentally, is a mix of new instruments for borrowing and reforming procurement – is Robertson's call for a national conversation, levelling with the public about what exactly all this means in practice. After much public prodding, Starmer seems now to be engaging, though arguably too little and too late for the review's frustrated authors. Societal Resilience as Defense Despite seeing the damage that cheap, mass-produced drones can do in Ukraine and across the Gulf, she warned last week, Britain still isn't properly prepared for a drone flying through the window of a strategically important building. Our overstretched NHS may not be able to handle mass casualties – and we lack the stockpiled food supplies or analogue backups to digital systems that would help us ride out a successful cyber-attack or serious act of sabotage. The Path Forward: Two Imperatives for Survival Preparing for this unfamiliar form of attack isn't just about buying tanks and fighter jets, but also about two things that most Labour voters probably expected a Labour government to do anyway: shoring up the public realm to cope in a crisis, and forging a more mutually trusting and tolerant society that is resilient to extremism, where neighbour does not fear neighbour and people willingly help each other in a crisis. The Leadership Challenge Ahead Starmer hasn't found the words to articulate any of that yet – and if May's anticipated local election drubbing is bad enough he may not be here to make the case for much longer. But anyone with ambitions to succeed him must be able to show both that they are capable of leading a country under attack, and of explaining the puzzling nature of that attack without inducing panic to a public heartily sick of being asked to make sacrifices. A war this hard to discern, even when it's supposedly upon you, may not feel yet like much of a threat. But lives may in future depend on seeing clearly into the shadows.

The Passage of Alexei Mordashov's Superyacht A superyacht owned by the Russian billionaire Alexei Mordashov was able to transit the blockaded Strait of Hormuz after undergoing maintenance in Dubai because neither Iran nor the US objected, a source close to Mordashov said on Tuesday. Details of the Transit The multi-deck pleasure vessel, worth more than $500m (£370m), crossed the strait on an approved route in compliance with international maritime law, sailing under a Russian flag. “Iran did not interfere with the movement of the yacht, as it is a civilian vessel of a friendly country conducting a peaceful transit. The American side also raised no questions regarding the yacht’s movement, as it did not call at Iranian ports and has no connection to Iran,” the source said. Context and Implications Just a few, mainly merchant vessels, have been able to pass through the crucial waterway at the entrance to the Gulf as Washington and Tehran maintain an uneasy ceasefire. This is a fraction of the average 125 to 140 daily passages before the war began on 28 February. In response, the US has blockaded Iranian ports. Russia is a longstanding ally of Iran, and the Iranian foreign minister, Abbas Araqchi, travelled to St Petersburg on Monday for a meeting with the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. The Yacht's Current Status After crossing the strait, Nord has been located near the coast of Oman since Sunday, according to the data provider LSEG.

The Lead The United States is considering a new proposal from Iran to end the ongoing war amid a fragile ceasefire between the longtime adversaries. The offer focuses on reopening the strategic Strait of Hormuz while postponing a deal on Iran's nuclear programme, arguably the most contentious issue between Tehran and Washington. What's in Iran's Latest Proposal? Iran's latest proposal aims for de-escalation in the Gulf without immediately placing restraints on its nuclear programme, as the US has demanded. Tehran has offered to reopen the Strait of Hormuz on the condition that the US lifts its naval blockade on Iranian ports and agrees to end the war. Iran has effectively closed the strait to shipping, creating global economic pressure by driving up energy prices and disrupting supply chains. In peacetime, one-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies are shipped through the narrow passage, which links Gulf oil producers to the open ocean. The US Response So Far US President Donald Trump met with top security advisers on Monday to discuss the Iranian proposal, the White House confirmed. However, according to media reports, the US response has been largely dismissive. According to Reuters, an unnamed US official said President Trump was unhappy with the proposal because it did not include provisions for Iran's nuclear programme. Citing two people familiar with the matter, US media outlet CNN reported that Trump was unlikely to accept the proposal. The Impact Analysis The proposal was conveyed to Washington through Pakistan, which has been acting as a mediator. Iranian analyst Abas Aslani said Iran's latest proposal is based on an 'altered' approach, as Tehran believes its previous model – which was based on making compromises on its nuclear programme in exchange for economic sanctions relief – is no longer a 'viable path towards a potential accord'. The Prediction While the 'US and Iran feel that time is on their side, the longer this goes on, the more difficult it's going to be,' Mohamed Elmasry, an analyst for the Doha Institute of Graduate Studies, said. 'I really don't think time is on anyone's side. I really do think the Europeans are losing patience.'