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A recent investigation by The Sentry has uncovered that Libyan businessman Ahmed Gadalla facilitated hundreds of millions of dollars in loans to support Khalifa Haftar's failed 2019-2020 assault on Tripoli. The report alleges that Gadalla, a key enabler for Haftar family members, secured $300m in loans from a minor bank based in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (UAE), ahead of the offensive. The months-long campaign by forces loyal to Haftar to seize the Libyan capital from the United Nations-recognised government resulted in hundreds of deaths and displaced hundreds of thousands of people. The cost of the campaign was significant, with an estimated $700 million effort mobilised upfront. The investigation suggests that the money likely helped finance operations, including payments to Russia's mercenary Wagner Group, which supported Haftar's offensive. After Haftar's offensive collapsed, the loans remained largely unpaid, leaving the Libyan public to bear the financial burden. Gadalla has faced no accountability, and the report warns that he has since expanded his influence across eastern Libya's financial system, exerting control over key banks and facilitating large-scale letter-of-credit fraud and laundering illicit profits. The Sentry's report also links Gadalla to efforts to procure and transfer military equipment to Sudan, in violation of a UN arms embargo. The group has called on Western governments to impose targeted sanctions on Gadalla and his network, warning that without concerted international action, Libya faces the continued erosion of its economic foundations.

On April 6, 2026, a sizable crowd of protesters converged on the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv, chanting slogans and holding signs that called for an immediate end to all wars in which the United States is engaged.The demonstration, organized by a coalition of local activist groups, reflected growing frustration among segments of the Israeli public over the perceived role of the United States in perpetuating overseas conflicts. Participants demanded that Washington reassess its military commitments and adopt a more neutral stance in international disputes.While the protest remained peaceful, the sheer number of participants underscored a broader shift in public sentiment, suggesting that foreign‑policy decisions are increasingly subject to direct civic scrutiny. Observers note that such actions could influence diplomatic dialogues between the United States and its allies, as well as shape future policy debates within the U.S. administration.

Billy Livsey, an American musician who arrived in England in the 1970s, transitioned from touring with Slim Chance and Gallagher & Lyle to writing hits for Shakin’ Stevens, Elkie Brooks and Paul Young before being tapped to write for the teen pop group Five Star. In the mid‑80s Livsey co‑wrote the chart‑topping single “System Addict” with Gary Bell, and a few months later his publisher suggested a partnership with lyricist Peter Sinfield. After a brief exchange of a rough melody, Sinfield asked Livsey to pen the words over the phone, resulting in the lyric sheet for what would become “Rain Or Shine.” The demo featured the renowned session vocalist Tessa Niles, whose résumé includes touring with The Police and singing on Eric Clapton’s “Layla” on his Unplugged album. Livsey recalls that her effortless delivery set the tone for the final recording. Recording took place at London’s iconic Mayfair Studios, a venue that had hosted legends such as George Michael and Tina Turner. Livsey admits he “stole” a sequencer fragment from Donald Fagen’s “New Frontier” to give the track a subtle, progressive‑pop edge. Five Star’s lead vocalist Deniece Pearson remembers the demo’s female vocal as a revelation compared to an earlier male‑sung version of “All Fall Down.” Her father and manager, Buster Pearson, urged her to “listen to the lady on the demo and articulate your words.” Because she was wearing braces, Deniece deliberately over‑enunciated to keep the metal from sticking to her lips – a quirky detail she still laughs about. Studio sessions were far from smooth. Frequent electrical glitches prompted Livsey to joke, “Gremlin. Gremlin.” Yet he remained confident, insisting that such hiccups often precede a hit record – a prediction that proved accurate. Upon release, “Rain Or Shine” became a staple of Five Star’s live repertoire, earning spots on Top of the Pops, the Royal Variety Performance and the Miss World stage. During a tour, a fan pulled Deniece into the audience pit, only to be rescued by her “hunky Italian” security guard, a moment she now recounts with affection. Today the song closes the group’s concerts as an encore, with audiences singing along and often moving Deniece to tears. She credits Livsey’s melodic craftsmanship, noting that the 80s songwriting formula – a strong melody followed by soaring vocals – remains the song’s enduring charm.

Iran’s only operational nuclear power station, the Bushehr plant, has endured a series of assaults amid the escalating Israel‑United States campaign against Tehran, sparking alarm over a possible regional nuclear incident.The most recent strike on Saturday resulted in the death of a security guard and damage to an auxiliary building, according to the state‑run Atomic Energy Organisation of Iran (AEOI).Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi asserted that the facility has been "bombed" four times since the conflict erupted on 28 February, accusing the United States and Israel of a "lack of concern" for nuclear safety.Security analysts stress that any bombing of the reactor or its spent‑fuel pools would unleash the radioactive isotope Caesium‑137, a contaminant capable of traveling far via wind and water, rendering soil, food and drinking supplies hazardous for decades and increasing cancer risks for exposed populations.The Bushehr complex, built by Russia and completed in 2011, supplies roughly 1,000 MW to Iran’s grid. It is the Middle East’s first nuclear plant and is slated to host two additional reactors by 2029, with hundreds of Russian technicians on site.The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has repeatedly warned that a direct hit could trigger a “regional catastrophe.” Director‑General Rafael Grossi told the UN Security Council that striking the plant could cause a "very high release of radioactivity" and, if power to the cooling system were cut, could lead to a reactor melt. He called for "maximum restraint," noting that evacuation zones could extend several hundred kilometres, requiring iodine prophylaxis and food‑supply restrictions.Beyond terrestrial fallout, experts highlight the danger of contaminating the Gulf’s shallow waters. Radioactive pollution would devastate marine ecosystems and cripple desalination plants, which lack the technology to filter such material. Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, warned that a simulated Bushehr attack would render the sea "entirely contaminated" and leave the country without water within three days.International law explicitly forbids targeting civilian nuclear installations. Article 56 of Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions bars attacks on "works and installations containing dangerous forces," and the IAEA’s own guidelines prohibit indiscriminate strikes on reactors, fuel storage, or power supplies.Araghchi also criticized the muted Western response, contrasting it with the outcry over Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia plant, which prompted emergency UN sessions, NATO warnings, and statements from the EU, UK and US. In the Bushehr case, the EU has remained silent, while Russia, which maintains a sizable staff at the site, issued a condemnation of the attacks.Historical precedents such as the 2011 Fukushima disaster and the 1986 Chernobyl explosion illustrate the long‑term human and environmental toll of nuclear accidents, underscoring why the safety of Bushehr is viewed as a matter of regional, not merely national, security.

Chelsea manager Liam Rosenior has sought to calm the storm surrounding Enzo Fernández's recent comments about his future at the club. Fernández had appeared to cast doubt on his Chelsea future during the international window, praising former Real Madrid players Toni Kroos and Luka Modrić and expressing a desire to live in Madrid. Rosenior took the decision to suspend Fernández from Chelsea's FA Cup quarter-final against Port Vale and the upcoming Premier League game against Manchester City, feeling his comments had 'crossed the line' and threatened the culture he is working to instill. However, Rosenior was pleased that Fernández was present at Stamford Bridge to watch the Vale match and sought to draw a line under the affair. “Enzo and I are in a very good place,” Rosenior said. “I saw him today, had a really good conversation with him today one-to-one and things aren’t what people maybe think they are.” Rosenior emphasized that he wants the team to focus on achieving their season goals, including winning the FA Cup and qualifying for the Champions League. The decision to punish Fernández drew an unhappy response from the player’s agent, Javier Pastore, who described it as 'completely unfair.' Rosenior remained firm, stating that Fernández knows his value to the team and that he was pleased to see him supporting the players.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.

Rising fortunes among the ultra‑rich under the Trump administration have ignited a wave of tax‑reform campaigns across the United States. In California, volunteers like Karen Sanchez are gathering signatures for a one‑time 5% wealth tax targeting the state’s 200‑plus billionaires to offset federal cuts to hospitals, education and food‑assistance programs.At least ten states are exploring similar measures. Washington recently enacted its first income‑tax aimed at roughly 20,000 millionaire households, while Massachusetts and Minnesota already channel wealth‑tax proceeds into preschool, K‑12 meals and transportation infrastructure.On the federal front, Senators Bernie Sanders and Representative Ro Khanna have introduced the “Make Billionaires Pay Their Fair Share Act,” proposing an annual 5% levy on billionaire net worth. Khanna argues that the ultra‑wealthy fund private health insurers, defense contractors and political campaigns, creating a stark fairness gap.Data from Oxfam shows that in the twelve months after Trump’s re‑election, billionaire fortunes grew at a rate three times faster than the average annual growth of the previous five years. Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 for fifteen years, underscoring the widening economic divide.A Data for Progress poll released last fall found that 70% of Americans believe the economic system favours corporations and the wealthy. “People are angry and want change,” says Amy Hanauer of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), noting that activists are leveraging every level of government to seek relief.The movement draws on a two‑decade history of class‑based activism, from the Occupy Wall Street protests to Senator Sanders’ 2016 campaign that foregrounded wealth‑tax proposals. Yet inequality has deepened: CEOs of the five largest U.S. firms now earn, on average, **$52 million** annually—over a thousand times the typical worker’s salary.Political spending by billionaires has also exploded. A recent New York Times analysis reveals that billionaire contributions rose from **0.3% of campaign funds in 2008** to **19% in 2024**, amounting to more than **$3 billion** from roughly 300 ultra‑rich donors, many of whom supported candidates opposing wealth taxes, including former President Donald Trump.The war in Iran has further inflamed resentment, with the United States spending **$11.3 billion** in the first week of bombardment—far exceeding the annual budgets of agencies such as the CDC, EPA and the National Cancer Institute.Local victories are feeding the momentum. New York City’s mayoral race saw Zohran Mamdani win on a platform that includes taxing the rich to fund affordable housing, groceries and transit. Councilmember Chi Ossé led a 1,500‑person march to the state capitol, urging Governor Kathy Hochul to permit a city‑level millionaire tax, a move that now has backing from some state Democrats.Beyond New York, states like Rhode Island, Hawaii, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Illinois and New Mexico are debating various wealth‑tax mechanisms, including the popular “mansion tax” on high‑value home sales. Currently, **17 localities** have adopted such taxes, most passed between 2018 and 2023.California’s gubernatorial race has become a flashpoint. Billionaire‑backed candidates Matt Mahan and Tom Steyer are vying to replace Governor Gavin Newsom, with the tech elite—such as Sergey Brin and Joe Lonsdale—pouring money into campaigns opposing the billionaire tax. Of the 30 billionaires who have contributed to the race, **25 supported Mahan**, who has positioned himself as a staunch anti‑tax candidate.For Sanchez, the stakes are personal. The proposed tax seeks to replace **$100 billion** in federal health‑care funding cut by Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which threatens hospital closures and layoffs in the nation’s fourth‑largest economy. She aims to collect **875,000 signatures** by late June to secure the initiative on the November ballot.“It’s creating a network of groups all working toward a common good,” Sanchez says, reflecting a broader sentiment that collective action could finally translate the public’s demand for fiscal fairness into concrete policy.