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The conflict between Iran, the United States, and Israel has escalated on day 35, with the US and Israel widening their attacks on Iranian infrastructure. The strikes have targeted a century-old medical research centre in Tehran, steel plants, and a bridge near the capital, which Iran claims was civilian infrastructure.The human toll continues to rise, with at least 2,076 people killed and 26,500 wounded in Iran since the start of the US-Israeli attacks. Iran's Foreign Ministry reports that more than 600 schools and education centres have been hit since February 28.Iran's military has vowed to continue the war until its enemies face 'humiliation' and 'surrender', warning the US against a ground invasion. The Iranian Foreign Ministry has stated that it is ready for any type of attack, including a ground attack.In a significant development, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has abruptly fired the US Army's top general and two other senior officers, sparking speculation of a wartime leadership shake-up.The conflict has also drawn in other countries, with Pakistan pushing for US-Iran talks and the United Kingdom holding talks with about 40 countries on reopening the Strait of Hormuz, which carries about 20 percent of the world's oil and LNG. The US has lost 13 service members in combat and two to noncombat causes, with more than 200 injured.In Israel, sirens have become 'part of life', with residents repeatedly heading to shelters, especially in the Tel Aviv area. The conflict has also intensified along the northern front, with Hezbollah carrying out 60 military operations against Israel in 24 hours.

Kuwait has been hit by Iranian missile and drone strikes, targeting a crucial power and desalination plant, as well as the Mina al-Ahmadi oil refinery. The attacks, which occurred on Friday, have raised concerns about the stability of the region and the potential for further escalation. The power and desalination plant was struck before midday local time, with the extent of the damage still unknown. The plant is critical for Kuwait's water supply, as the country is highly dependent on desalinated water. An Indian national was killed in a similar attack on March 30, and Iran denied claims it launched the attacks, blaming Israel instead. The Mina al-Ahmadi oil refinery, one of the largest in the Middle East, was targeted in early morning drone strikes, resulting in fires in several operational units. No employees were injured, but emergency and firefighting teams were dispatched to the scene, and environmental authorities monitored the area for air quality. The attacks are part of a broader escalation of tensions in the Gulf region, with Iran launching retaliatory strikes against US and Israeli targets. The United Arab Emirates' defence ministry reported that it had intercepted 19 ballistic missiles and 26 drones on Thursday alone, while Saudi Arabia destroyed a drone in its airspace overnight. Iran's army spokesperson warned of impending attacks on regional power plants, while US President Donald Trump warned of intensifying strikes on Iran's infrastructure. The situation remains volatile, with concerns about the potential for further attacks and the impact on regional stability.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth instructed Army Chief of Staff General Randy A. George to step down with immediate effect, a move announced on X by Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell on Thursday. The statement said George would "retire from his position" but offered no explanation, a notable omission given the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran.The abrupt removal adds to a string of high‑profile dismissals that have occurred since Hegseth assumed office in January. CBS first reported the decision, citing a source who said Hegseth seeks a leader who will execute his and President Donald Trump's strategic vision for the Army.Appointed in 2023 under former President Joe Biden, the 61‑year‑old General George brought extensive combat experience from Iraq and Afghanistan. During his tenure he was praised for cutting redundancies and championing new technologies such as low‑cost missile‑interceptor drones and artificial‑intelligence‑driven targeting systems.According to The New York Times, the firing may be tied to a dispute over Hegseth’s decision to block the promotion of four officers from a list of 29. While most of the blocked officers were white men, the two remaining were Black and two were women, prompting senior officers to question whether racial or gender bias influenced the action. When General George sought a meeting with Hegseth to discuss the matter, the defense secretary reportedly refused.In addition to George, Hegseth dismissed two other senior officials on Thursday: General David M. Hodne, head of the Army’s Transformation and Training Command responsible for modernization efforts, and Major General William Green Jr., the Army’s chief of chaplains. The Pentagon has not formally confirmed these removals, though the Joint Chiefs of Staff issued a tribute praising George’s decades of service.The personnel shake‑up unfolds against a broader backdrop in which US and Israeli officials have framed the Iran war as a religious undertaking. The Military Religious Freedom Foundation reported receiving complaints that senior commanders described the conflict as aiming to bring about “Armageddon” or the biblical “end times.”Earlier, in October, former Army Vice Chief of Staff General James J. Mingus retired a year ahead of schedule, with no reasons disclosed, adding to speculation about internal turbulence within the Pentagon.

Iran has announced that its army forces are fully prepared to repel any potential attacks from the United States and Israel. The statement comes amid heightened tensions in the region and escalating rhetoric between Iran and its adversaries. The Iranian military's readiness is seen as a direct response to increased military presence and threats from the US and Israel in the region. Iran has been vocal about its defensive capabilities and its willingness to protect its sovereignty.The situation in the Middle East remains volatile, with Iran and Israel having a long-standing adversarial relationship. The US has maintained a significant military presence in the region, further complicating the dynamics.

Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

At least 43 civilians were killed and 44 houses set ablaze during an assault by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in Bafwakoa, located in Mambasa territory of Ituri province, according to the Congolese army.Lieutenant Jules Tshikudi Ngongo, the army’s regional spokesperson, said the attack occurred on Thursday and that the death toll could rise as search operations continue.The ADF, a rebel outfit that pledged allegiance to ISIL, has been increasingly targeting civilians in Ituri and the neighboring North Kivu province, despite joint Congolese‑Ugandan military campaigns launched in 2021.Witnesses reported that victims were killed with machetes, some perished in house fires, and two individuals were abducted, according to local customary official Christian Alimasi.The incident underscores the army’s difficulty in containing the ADF, which operates alongside other insurgent groups such as the Rwandan‑backed M23, responsible for seizing the major eastern city of Goma last year.Data from research firm Insecurity Insight indicates the ADF accounted for roughly 25% of civilian‑targeted violence in eastern DRC between 2020 and 2025, reflecting its significant presence in the region.Last year, the ADF’s attacks resulted in 66 deaths and multiple abductions, signalling a troubling escalation in its campaign against local populations.

The United States is reportedly contemplating a daring military operation to confiscate Iran's reserves of highly enriched uranium, a move that experts warn would be fraught with significant challenges and risks.Ensuring Iran does not possess nuclear weapons or the capability to produce them using enriched uranium has been a primary objective for the US during negotiations with Iranian officials over the past year. This goal was also cited as a justification for the US bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities during last year's 12-day war with Israel and for initiating the ongoing conflict in February, despite ongoing talks with Iran at the time.Iran possesses approximately 440 kilograms (970 pounds) of uranium enriched to 60 percent, a level at which it becomes considerably easier to reach the 90 percent threshold required to produce a nuclear weapon. This amount theoretically could be used to produce more than 10 nuclear warheads, according to International Atomic Energy Agency chief Rafael Grossi.Iran asserts that its nuclear program is exclusively for civilian energy purposes, despite enriching uranium far beyond the required threshold. Iranian officials have expressed openness to discussing a reduction in the level of enrichment during past negotiations but have refused to dismantle the country's nuclear program entirely, citing national sovereignty concerns.In 2015, the former Obama administration negotiated the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran and other nations, under which Iran agreed not to enrich uranium to high levels and to undergo frequent inspections. However, Trump withdrew the US from this agreement during his first term as president.Challenges in Accessing and Transporting the UraniumAny military ground operation to extract the uranium would face substantial chemical, logistical, and tactical hurdles. Isfahan, where about half of the enriched uranium is believed to be stored, is over 480 kilometers (about 300 miles) inland, far from the nearest US naval ships. This would necessitate transporting US forces, possibly alongside Israeli troops, over a long distance through an active warzone, accompanied by heavy equipment.Securing a substantial perimeter around the site and holding that territory for the duration of the operation would be required, all while mitigating the risk of constant fire from Iran. Experts describe this as a risky and infeasible operation.Storing and Handling the UraniumIf the US were to successfully extract the uranium, it would likely be stored in the form of hexafluoride gas, which is difficult to handle and reacts with water to produce extremely toxic chemicals. The uranium hexafluoride must be stored in small, separated canisters to prevent neutrons from multiplying out of control.Any damage to these canisters could trigger the release of toxic chemicals, posing a radiological hazard. An alternative would be to destroy the cylinders on the spot using Army Nuclear Disablement Teams, but this would result in chemical contamination and environmental hazards.Previous Operations and Potential AlternativesIn 1994, US forces undertook a secret operation dubbed Project Sapphire to remove weapons-grade uranium from Kazakhstan. A similar operation for Iran is being considered, but it would require coordination with Iranian authorities and the IAEA, and a cessation of hostilities.A less risky approach would be for the US to negotiate a deal with Iran, resulting in the stockpile being left in place but under international oversight, being downblended, or being removed with Iranian agreement.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

A Lebanese‑French visual artist, Ali Cherri, has lodged a formal complaint with the French war‑crimes unit in Paris, accusing Israel of committing a war crime after a 2024 airstrike on his family home in Beirut killed his parents and a domestic worker. The filing marks the first time a French court has taken up a case concerning Israel’s bombing of Lebanon and is an unusual move by an individual to pursue war‑crimes accountability. Israel has faced repeated accusations of violating international humanitarian law in Lebanon and Gaza, including attacks on civilians, medical facilities and forced displacement, yet no Israeli officials have been prosecuted to date. Cherri said, "Our demand is that an investigation is opened so that we know for a fact what happened, to name this attack as a war crime against civilians, and hopefully be able to name the people responsible." The apartment, built by his grandparents in central Beirut, was struck a few hours before a cease‑fire between Hezbollah and Israel took effect on 26 November 2024. The 13‑month conflict had already claimed roughly 4,000 Lebanese lives. The blast, which gave no prior evacuation warning, destroyed three floors, killing Cherri’s 86‑year‑old father Mahmoud Naib Cherri, 76‑year‑old mother Nadira Hayek, their employee Birki Negesa and four other civilians. In February, Amnesty International’s investigation concluded there was no military target at the time of the strike and urged that the incident be examined as a war crime. Forensic Architecture, a UK‑based investigative group that helped draft the complaint, produced a 3‑D reconstruction of the building and identified the munition as a GBU‑39 guided bomb – a 250 lb US‑made weapon frequently used by Israel in Lebanon and Gaza. The analysis underscored the targeted nature of the attack and, according to the group, demonstrated direct responsibility of the Israeli army. Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, Heba Morayef, called the French civil complaint “a rare opportunity” to hold Israel accountable in a European court, given the usual impunity. The case arrives amid renewed hostilities: on 2 March Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel, prompting an Israeli aerial campaign and ground invasion that has killed 1,318 people so far. Photographer Mohammed Shehab, who collaborated with Forensic Architecture on the Cherri investigation, was himself killed in an Israeli strike on 11 March, which also claimed his infant daughter’s life and wounded his wife – an incident the group described as “circumstances similar” to the Cherri bombing. While Cherri doubts any Israeli officials will face criminal charges, he insists that filing the suit is a moral duty to give a voice to victims who cannot pursue legal recourse themselves.