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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Eritrea's hopes of participating in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) have been thrown into doubt after seven local footballers disappeared in South Africa following their team's victory over Eswatini last month.The players were part of a 24-member squad that participated in the qualifying tie, with only 10 being locally-based players. Of these, only three returned to Eritrea, while the whereabouts of the other seven remain unknown.The incident occurred when the national team arrived in South Africa en route from Eswatini to Eritrea via Egypt. A Confederation of African Football (CAF) official told the AFP news agency that the disappearance is a mystery and that no one seems certain what happened to the players thereafter.Eritrea's coach, Hesham Yakan, had chosen 24 players, including 14 based abroad, for the two-leg preliminary qualifier against Eswatini. The team's victory over Eswatini proved a surprise success, considering they had not played an international match for six years.The disappearance of the players has raised concerns about the country's football future and the well-being of its players. Indefinite military service after completing schooling is cited as the main reason for the defections from the East African country.Eritrea has been governed by President Isaias Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, and human rights groups consistently describe his rule as “highly repressive”.The incident has also highlighted the dire situation in Eritrea, with George Ghebreslassie, an Eritrean exile, saying that “it shows the kind of situation we have in Eritrea. We thought things would change, but nothing has changed”.

President Donald Trump declared on Truth Social that U.S. troops, aircraft and naval vessels will stay positioned around Iran until what he termed the "REAL AGREEMENT" is fully honored, warning that any failure by Tehran will trigger "bigger, better, and stronger" military action.Trump’s message, posted late Wednesday, underscores Washington’s demand that Iran abandon any nuclear weapons ambitions and guarantee safe passage through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz. He added that U.S. forces are "loading up and resting, looking forward to its next conquest," a rhetoric that heightens concerns of a rapid escalation.The announcement follows a two‑week ceasefire brokered by Pakistan that paused six weeks of combat and briefly steadied global markets worried about disruptions to oil shipments through Hormuz. However, the truce remains precarious.Iranian semi‑official outlets ISNA and Tasnim released a chart suggesting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had laid sea mines in the strait, marking a "danger zone" that forced some vessels to navigate farther north near Larak Island. The chart, dated Feb. 28 to Apr. 9, leaves it unclear whether the mines have been cleared.On the ground in Tehran, public sentiment is deeply skeptical. One woman told Al Jazeera that any day without bloodshed would be "very good," while another dismissed the ceasefire as meaningless while Israel continues its bombardment of Lebanon. A third resident called the truce "a theatrical show" orchestrated by Trump.Negotiations are further complicated by Tehran’s rejection of a sweeping U.S. proposal. Iran insists on an end to Israeli attacks on Lebanon and the lifting of sanctions—conditions Washington has yet to accept.Despite the uncertainty, Iranian officials hinted at a diplomatic push: Ambassador Reza Amiri Moghadam announced on X that a delegation would arrive in Islamabad for talks based on ten Iranian‑proposed points, though he later deleted the post. Pakistan’s capital simultaneously announced two days of unannounced holidays, adding to the opacity.Israel has intensified its campaign in Lebanon, killing at least 182 people in a single day, which Tehran warns could render further negotiations "unreasonable" under the current circumstances.In Washington, opposition to the conflict is mounting. Senator Cory Booker announced that Democrats intend to invoke the War Powers Resolution to force a congressional vote, condemning Trump’s actions as "unauthorised" and "reckless war‑mongering" that the American public does not support.The convergence of U.S. military posturing, Iranian skepticism, Israeli escalation, and domestic political pressure creates a volatile environment where the fragile ceasefire could unravel, threatening regional security and global energy markets.

NASA unveiled a historic photograph showing Earth disappearing behind the Moon’s edge, taken by the Artemis II crew aboard the Orion capsule during a record‑setting lunar flyby. The image, dubbed “Earthset,” arrives more than 57 years after the famed Apollo 8 Earthrise shot that first revealed our planet from lunar orbit.The four‑person crew—American astronauts Reid Wiseman, Christina Koch, Victor Glover and Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen—captured the view on April 6, 2026, deliberately echoing Bill Anders’ December 1968 photograph. Their mission, part of NASA’s broader Artemis program, is designed to lay the groundwork for a 2028 crewed Moon landing.After sharing the image on X, the White House highlighted its significance, noting it as “the first photo from the far side of the Moon, showing humanity from the other side.” The administration also posted a separate NASA picture of a solar eclipse observed during the flyby, describing it as “a view few in human history have ever witnessed.”Beyond the Earthset, the Artemis II astronauts have provided detailed observations of lunar topography and reported witnessing a solar eclipse when the Moon passed in front of the Sun—an event rarely seen from that perspective.The original Earthrise photograph, taken during Apollo 8’s ten lunar orbits, has been celebrated as one of the most influential images ever captured, featuring in Life magazine’s 2003 compilation “100 Photographs That Changed the World.” The new Earthset image adds a contemporary counterpart, reinforcing the enduring power of space photography to shape public perception of Earth’s place in the cosmos.

Vice President JD Vance warned Iran that jeopardising the US‑Iran ceasefire over Lebanon would be "dumb", emphasizing that the United States expects the truce to remain intact despite Tehran’s frustrations. Pakistan, which brokered the two‑week ceasefire, publicly stated that Lebanon is part of the agreement. Vance, speaking to reporters in Hungary, countered that the United States does not consider Israel’s ongoing strikes on Lebanon as covered by the ceasefire. "If Iran wants to let this negotiation fall apart – in a conflict where they were getting hammered – over Lebanon, which has nothing to do with them and which the United States never once said was part of the ceasefire, that’s ultimately their choice," Vance said, adding, "We think that would be dumb, but that’s their choice." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi echoed Pakistan’s position, highlighting Lebanon in his repost of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s statement and asserting that the ceasefire terms are clear: the US must choose either a ceasefire or continued war via Israel. President Donald Trump and the White House, however, maintain that Lebanon was not part of the deal. Vance dismissed the contradictory messages as a "misunderstanding" and "bad faith propaganda," suggesting the Iranians mistakenly believed Lebanon was included. The lack of a clear explanation from US officials leaves observers questioning how such a misunderstanding could arise amid high‑stakes diplomacy. Israel’s track record of breaching ceasefires dates back to the November 2024 truce with Lebanon. On Wednesday, Israeli air strikes in Lebanon killed at least 254 people and injured more than 1,100, marking one of the deadliest assaults in the 15‑month conflict. Vance indicated that Israel has signaled a willingness to temper its operations in Lebanon, stating the Israelis have "committed to check themselves a little bit in Lebanon" to ensure the US‑Iran negotiations stay on track. The broader conflict intensified in early March after Hezbollah launched rockets in retaliation for Israeli attacks and the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Hezbollah now faces internal pressure from rival factions accusing it of dragging Lebanon into war on Iran’s behalf. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) issued a stark warning: if Israeli aggression against Lebanon does not cease immediately, the IRGC will deliver a "regretful response" to what it called "evil aggressors" in the region.

In the Dutch town of Veldhoven, social‑housing operator Woonstichting ’thuis has installed the first of its “rain fences” – garden fences that double as rain‑water storage units.Homeowners Theo and Willy Bolder report that the fence’s linked plastic blocks can retain up to 2,160 litres of water, lowering the load on municipal drains during intense rainstorms and supplying the garden when summer droughts hit."The rain is getting heavier and heavier nowadays, and if you have a cloudburst the drainage isn’t good and it comes up through the toilet," Willy explained, highlighting the growing problem of surface runoff in a country where average temperatures have risen by 1 °C since 2000 and cities are about 5 °C warmer than surrounding rural areas (KNMI data).Recent climate events underscore the urgency: the 2021 Limburg floods saw more than 15 cm of rain fall in 48 hours, causing the River Geul to burst its banks, while the historic 1953 North Sea flood claimed at least 1,800 lives and spurred the iconic Delta Works.Deputy mayor Rik Thijs of nearby Eindhoven stresses that traditional sewage capacity cannot keep pace with these extremes. "We need to capture as much as possible on the surface," he said, pointing to complementary measures such as resurfacing the old Gender river, creating wadi pools, and installing green roofs.The rain‑fence concept was developed by Harry den Hartigh of SunnyRain Solutions, whose personal connection to the 1953 disaster in Zeeland inspired a design that merges functionality with aesthetics: a fence that stores water while enhancing the garden’s look.Academic Jannes Willems, an urban‑planning professor at the University of Amsterdam, notes that simple, scalable solutions like rain‑water harvesting can offset the Netherlands’ “water‑shortage” concerns during hot summers, especially as the national water system was originally built to discharge water as quickly as possible.For property managers, the benefits extend beyond environmental stewardship. Matthijs Hulsbosch, sustainability manager at Woonstichting ’thuis, says the fences help protect the complex’s 11,000 homes from water‑related damage, potentially saving significant repair costs and reducing tenant inconvenience.Neighbourhood manager David Hearn adds that the pilot also improves community relations, turning a simple fence into a shared asset that residents are eager to adopt.

Britain has weathered a succession of crises since the 2008 financial collapse— austerity, Brexit, Covid, the Ukraine war and recent political turbulence. Prime Minister Keir Starmer says the war in Iran must become a turning point, forcing the country to build lasting resilience at home and with its European partners.Starmer stresses that the UK’s response to the Iranian aggression has been guided by de‑escalation, diplomacy and the swift reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. While Britain avoided direct offensive action, it intercepted drones, shot down missiles and protected British lives and interests alongside allies who share the same stance.The government’s approach, he explains, is to reduce escalation, work with allies and safeguard economic stability. In a world that is “more volatile and dangerous than at any other point in my lifetime,” such a strategy is presented as essential for protecting British interests.Starmer links global instability to domestic pressures, noting that the same tensions that threaten security also drive up energy prices, disrupt supply chains and strain household finances. To counter this, his administration has capped energy bills and invested heavily in homegrown energy sources, aiming to free the UK from reliance on external gas suppliers.On the defence front, the UK has announced the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War, reinforcing European alliances and expanding military capacity. Parallel to these security measures, the government has launched an ambitious industrial strategy, strengthened workers’ rights and pledged to lift more than half a million children out of poverty through a new child‑poverty programme.Starmer argues that these policies are not isolated reactions but part of a broader shift toward long‑term resilience. By building secure, domestic energy, robust alliances and a stable economy, Britain can “shape its future and deliver on priorities that matter to working people.”He concludes that Britain will not attempt to recreate the pre‑2008 world; instead, it will forge a stronger, more secure, and more resilient nation capable of withstanding future shocks.

The UK government is calling for Lebanon to be included in the recent US-Iran ceasefire agreement, as divisions deepen between the UK and US over how to implement the truce. UK Defence Secretary John Healey and Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper have emphasized the need for a comprehensive ceasefire that covers Lebanon, following Israel's intensified bombing campaign in the country, which has resulted in at least 254 people killed. Healey warned that imposing tolls on ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz, as suggested by US President Donald Trump, would set a dangerous precedent for international shipping. The UK is advocating for the strait to remain open and free, consistent with international navigation laws. Cooper is expected to stress that Lebanon must be included in the ceasefire and that there must be no return to conflict. The UK's stance has been communicated to both the US and Israel. The escalation in Lebanon has prompted Iran to halt the passage of oil tankers through the Strait of Hormuz, leading to a rise in global fuel and fertilizer prices. The UK is working to support the reopening of the strait, which is a critical artery for the global economy. Cooper will emphasize that freedom of navigation is crucial for global trade and that no country can close these routes without violating the law of the sea.

Renowned British perfumer Jo Malone has expressed her surprise and sadness after being sued for over £200,000 in damages by Estée Lauder Companies, the owner of her former perfume brand, Jo Malone London. The lawsuit claims that Malone infringed trademarks by using her name on fragrances she created for the fashion chain Zara.In 1999, Malone sold her perfume brand to Estée Lauder, a US-based multinational cosmetics group that owns brands such as M.A.C, Bobbi Brown, and Estée Lauder. As part of the agreement, Malone was prohibited from using her name for certain commercial activities, including marketing fragrances.Malone stepped down as creative director of Jo Malone London in 2006 and later regretted selling the rights to her name, calling it the “biggest mistake of my life.” In 2011, after a non-compete clause ended, Malone launched the Jo Loves brand. In 2019, Jo Loves collaborated with Zara on a line of eight fragrances, priced at £35.99 each.Estée Lauder took issue with the packaging of these fragrances, which clearly stated that they were created by Jo Malone CBE, founder of Jo Loves. The company claims that this use of Malone's name undermines the brand equity of Jo Malone London and is seeking damages of over £200,000.In response, Malone has defended her use of her name, stating, “My name is Jo Malone. I am the person, the fragrance creator, the entrepreneur, the cancer survivor, the person. I never expected to receive a high court claim with my name on it.” She emphasized that when Zara approached her, they did so as an individual, not as a company or brand.Malone added, “I sold a company, I did not sell myself.” She expressed her concerns about the implications of the lawsuit, asking, “Where do I go from here? Who can I be? I can’t stop being a person. Nobody can stop being the character and the person that you are.”