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The former boss of the Co-op collected almost £2m before her sudden departure last month despite a difficult year when the retailer was pushed into the red by a damaging cyber hack.Shirine Khoury-Haq’s total annual pay package amounted to £1.9m in 2025, including a £165,000 “rewarding growth” bonus that was approved by the mutual’s board despite falling sales and the slide to an underlying loss of £125m.Khoury-Haq and other executives did not receive their regular annual bonus as the board said the company had not met an “affordability underpin” to make the payout. However, Khoury-Haq’s total pay did include a long-term performance bonus linked to earlier years.In the Co-op Group’s annual report, the remuneration committee said it had decided to pay out 10% of the three-year potential total for the new “rewarding growth” incentive plan, which goes to all staff. Full-time, frontline workers, such as shop floor staff, who were employed for all of 2025 received £100 each under the scheme.The report did not say if Khoury-Haq would receive any compensation for loss of office on her departure but did make clear she would not receive any more from the “rewarding growth” scheme. Kate Allum, a board member and former boss of the dairy group First Milk, will step in as the interim chief executive while a permanent replacement is sought.Khoury-Haq’s departure after four years heading the company, and almost seven at the business, came a month after reports of concerns about the culture at the top of the group. Last week, Khoury-Haq denied that her resignation was linked to the allegations of a toxic culture. “My decision to leave was very much a personal decision,” she said. “The reason is I want to go and do something else.”

The new Reform UK promotion, dubbed “Nigel cut my bills,” asks voters to surrender personal details – name, phone, email and voting history – for a chance that Nigel Farage will foot their energy bills for a year. The concept reads like a scripted MrBeast video: a charismatic host appears on a suburban street, hands out cash, and celebrates each winner with upbeat music and on‑screen tallies. While the party frames the scheme as a bold, voter‑engaging move, privacy advocates have already flagged potential breaches of data‑protection law. More troubling, however, is what the stunt signifies: the “MrBeastification” of British politics, where flashy giveaways replace substantive policy debate. Reform UK’s website touts a suite of promised savings if it wins the next election: scrapping VAT on energy bills (a £85 reduction), eliminating Labour’s green levy (£100), and removing the carbon tax (£15). The messaging is clear – Farage is portrayed as a man who puts money directly into voters’ pockets. Yet the underlying issue of soaring energy costs is oversimplified. Bills are high not because of the mentioned taxes, but because the UK’s electricity price is tied to volatile gas market prices. Farage’s advocacy for renewed North Sea drilling would lock the country into this volatility, offering short‑term relief at the expense of long‑term energy security. Earlier, Reform UK floated a controversial policy targeting non‑domiciled residents: a one‑off charge of £250,000 for a ten‑year renewable residence permit, with proceeds earmarked for low‑paid workers. Critics argue the fee merely shifts the burden onto wealthy foreigners while providing negligible benefit to ordinary voters. In the world of viral giveaways, the spectacle often masks deeper shortcomings. As the article notes, after MrBeast hands cash to a homeless man, he probes the man’s backstory, revealing systemic issues that a single payment cannot solve. Similarly, Reform’s grand gestures risk being tokenistic, offering temporary excitement without addressing the structural challenges of the UK’s energy market. Ultimately, the “Nigel cut my bills” competition may capture attention, but it also underscores a shift toward sensationalist political communication that prioritises instant gratification over meaningful policy solutions.

The current global landscape is marked by uncertainty, with Donald Trump's policies contributing to a sense of instability. As the world grapples with the implications of the Iran war, including a potential global shortage of jet fuel, the UK is reevaluating its relationships. Keir Starmer, leader of the Labour Party, has argued that a closer partnership with Europe is in Britain's national interest. This stance is echoed by Rachel Reeves, highlighting the need for the UK to strengthen its ties with the EU to mitigate the risks of a global economic crisis. The article notes that 63% of Britons would vote to rejoin the EU if a referendum were held today, according to recent YouGov polling. This sentiment is reflected in the growing popularity of a youth mobility scheme that would allow young people to work and study abroad, a proposal that has gained traction even among Leave voters. Starmer's ally, Nick Thomas-Symonds, has been negotiating a deal that would align with EU rules on food and drink, potentially leading to the relabelling of certain products like marmalade. While challenges remain, including competitive trade interests, the article suggests that Europe is choosing unity in the face of crisis. The author, Gaby Hinsliff, argues that Britain has learned from its past mistakes and is now seeking to build a new relationship with the EU at speed. While rejoining the EU is not imminent, the will and political courage are needed to seize this second chance.

The work and pensions secretary, Pat McFadden, has already announced a separate, £1bn scheme aimed at tackling youth unemployment, which will offer employers £3,000 to take on a young person who has been out of work for six months or more. The TUC's secretary general, Paul Nowak, emphasized the importance of implementing the government's Employment Rights Act.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

After a prolonged period of uncertainty, the County Championship returns on Good Friday with renewed vigor, its schedule finally settled and the controversial three‑year Kookaburra ball trial abandoned.The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) is now trialling a full‑substitute system in domestic matches. Unlike the traditional “covering fielder” approach, a player can be replaced by a fully‑playing substitute for injury, illness or significant life events such as the birth of a child or a family health crisis.Alan Fordham, the ECB’s head of cricket operations, highlighted the change: “Most seasons we get three or four questions about a player being replaced to witness the birth of a child… the answer will now be yes.” He also recalled the Blair Tickner incident, where the New Zealander’s wife was diagnosed with leukaemia during a match, forcing him to continue playing with a ten‑man side.The substitute scheme is being tested at the ICC’s request, which asks member boards to experiment domestically before considering a similar rule for Test cricket. By allowing replacements for personal emergencies, the ECB has moved further than counterparts in India, Australia and South Africa.To curb potential abuse, any player replaced for illness or injury must observe an eight‑day “stand‑down” period before returning. Derbyshire head coach Mickey Arthur praised the intent but warned of loopholes, noting that the rule does not account for bye weeks, season‑ending fixtures or the transition from red‑ball to white‑ball cricket.Following a disappointing Ashes winter, the ECB is keen to restore the Championship’s relevance. Managing director Rob Key signalled that England‑team places are no longer guaranteed, urging county coaches and players to re‑engage.England head coach Brendon McCullum, speaking to counties via Zoom, stressed the competition’s value for talent identification, especially for players adept against high pace and spin. He also announced the return of Troy Cooley as the ECB’s pace‑bowling lead.Test captain Ben Stokes backed the message, urging players to seize the early weeks of the Championship as a platform for national selection: “It’s a great opportunity for a lot of people around the country… use it to push your case forward.”Enthusiasm is palpable across the counties. Glamorgan, back in Division One for the first time since 2005, aim to showcase their spinners. Lancashire chase promotion despite the late loss of Mitch Perry, while Surrey, Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire marshal their senior talent. Even clubs hit by setbacks—Leicestershire, plagued by injuries and the sudden withdrawal of captain Peter Handscomb, and Sussex, docked 12 points before the season began—remain determined as they kick off their fixtures at Grace Road.

Nick Candy, who serves as the honorary treasurer of Reform UK and is among its top financial backers, has completed the sale of his Chelsea residence for an estimated £275 million. The transaction, first reported by Bloomberg, is believed to set a new benchmark for residential sales in London and ranks among the world’s most valuable property deals. Known as Providence House, the Grade II‑listed estate sits within the grounds of the Royal Chelsea Hospital and features a private lake and swimming pool. The identity of the purchaser has not been disclosed. Land Registry records list the current owner as Providence House LLP, a partnership controlled by Candy, with his estranged wife, former pop star Holly Valance, also named as a partner. A mortgage charge from First Abu Dhabi Bank is registered against the title. Candy’s involvement with Reform extends beyond his treasurer role; he contributed roughly £1 million to the party last year and has been instrumental in high‑profile fundraising events, including a 2024 gathering for Donald Trump Jr. at the estate. He has previously been seen alongside Nigel Farage as the party promoted a “billionaires’ bonanza” scheme offering wealthy individuals a £250,000 fee for ten‑year residency and a special tax regime. Candy also attended a meeting between Farage and billionaire Elon Musk at Mar‑a‑Lago in December 2024. Alongside his brother Christian, Candy amassed his fortune through global property ventures. He continues to market other high‑value assets, including a £175 million penthouse at One Hyde Park and a Los Angeles mansion, while maintaining office space in Mayfair that also houses Farage’s company, Thorn in the Side. Originally purchased by Christian Candy in 2012, the Chelsea mansion was later transferred to Nick Candy, underscoring the family’s long‑standing presence in the UK’s luxury property market.

Scientists are preparing to establish 4,500 native trees on the fringes of the Brecon Beacons National Park using a novel fertiliser derived from human urine.The fertiliser was produced by Bristol‑based startup NPK Recovery, which linked its mobile processing unit to the toilets serving roughly 700 revellers at the Boomtown festival in Hampshire last July.During the 2025 event the system generated 540 litres of nutrient‑rich liquid, now earmarked for planting beech, Scots pine and other native species in Wales.The three‑year restoration scheme, funded by a Forestry Commission grant, will also incorporate urine collected from additional events, expanding the supply chain for the circular fertiliser.To launch the initiative, a Scots pine seedling was planted on Thursday morning, symbolising the start of what could become a lasting Welsh forest.Lucy Bell‑Reeves, co‑founder of NPK Recovery, noted that field trials have shown the urine‑based product to be as effective as conventional fertilisers, marking its first application on trees.“Using a waste product to grow trees is a circular solution that can revitalise our struggling native species,” Bell‑Reeves said, adding that “we need to stop flushing crop and tree‑growing nutrients down the loo and start using them to increase our fertiliser security.”The company previously processed 1,000 litres of urine collected from women’s urinals at the London Marathon, converting it into an odour‑free liquid using specialised bacteria that recover nitrogen and other nutrients.NPK Recovery’s mobile laboratory enables on‑site conversion, eliminating the need for transport and preserving nutrient integrity.Partnering with the charity Stump Up For Trees, co‑founded by author‑cyclist Rob Penn, the project builds on the charity’s five‑year effort that has already planted over 500,000 trees in the region, half of its one‑million‑tree target.Penn expressed enthusiasm, stating, “This groundbreaking project has implications for the future of sustainable forestry, and collaboration with NPK Recovery brings much‑needed innovation to the sector.”