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Taybeh, a small hilltop town in the heart of the West Bank, is one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. After increasing attacks from Israeli settlers it now feels itself under siege and is fighting for its very existence.The town’s ancient Greek name was Ephraim where, according to the gospels, Jesus hid with his disciples from the Jewish religious hierarchy, the Sanhedrin, before making his final fateful trip to Jerusalem.A church was built here in the fifth century, and the entirely Christian community survived the crusaders, conquest by Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub or Saladin, the Ottoman empire, the British empire, and three Arab-Israeli wars, but its inhabitants say its long-term future is in question.There are four substantial Israeli settlements around Taybeh, and countless unofficial outposts have also sprung up on the steep hills overlooking the Jordan valley. They have been set up by messianic Jews who send their young people, the “hilltop youth”, to harass and intimidate local Palestinians in the surrounding countryside.The relentless land grabs and intimidation is a pattern repeated up and down the West Bank in a campaign the UN has called ethnic cleansing, which has been driven by hardline members of the ruling coalition, the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir.“First they kicked the Bedouin out in the last three years and put up their caravans and bring their cows and sheep. They are using the land without any permission from the owners and from ourselves,” said Fr. Bashar Fawadleh, the parish priest of Christ the Redeemer church.Over the past year, the pressure has been turned up further. In July last year, settlers set fire to the grounds of the fifth–century Byzantine church, St Peter’s. Since then, bands of hilltop youth have raided the town four times, setting fire to cars, slashing tires and smashing windows.The church, part of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, supports small business ventures to provide jobs and builds affordable housing, but the community is still haemorrhaging. Fifteen families have left in the past two years, leaving the current population at about 1,100.After the attack on St Peter’s church in July, the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, visited the town to condemn what he called “an act of terror” and to appeal for prosecutions.No prosecutions have been reported, and Huckabee has not spoken out over any of the subsequent attacks on Taybeh. A Southern Baptist minister, the ambassador is a fervent supporter of Israel’s territorial claims to the West Bank and beyond, which he argues are divinely ordained.In the West Bank however, the Christian population has shrunk from 5% of the total population in 1967 to roughly 1% today, about 45,000 people.The fierce religious nationalism that the Israeli government has cultivated in recent years has largely been directed at Palestinian Muslims but there has been a rising tide of anti-Christian incidents.Jad Isaac, the director general of the Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem, which tracks the Israeli takeover of land and resources on the West Bank, said: “When Netanyahu says we are the only country which is taking care of the Christians, he’s a liar. He said that in Palestinian Christian communities in the West Bank “the strategy is to make life intolerable”.

In the devastated streets of Gaza City's Tuffah neighborhood, residents are taking matters into their own hands to rebuild their homes. Mohammed al-Jadba, a 31-year-old father of 10, is using stones from the rubble of his destroyed house and mud to construct a new shelter. His home, once a four-storey building, was reduced to rubble during Israel's genocidal war on Gaza.With Israeli restrictions on imports preventing the entry of essential construction materials like cement, Gaza residents are forced to get creative. Mohammed has been collecting iron, window frames, and door frames from his old house to use in his new build. The mud, mixed with human hair collected from barbershops, is being used to stick everything together.The United Nations estimates that it will cost $70bn to fully reconstruct Gaza, with 92% of residential buildings damaged or destroyed. An urgent $20bn is needed within the first three years to initiate basic recovery and restore essential services. However, reconstruction efforts have been hindered by continued Israeli restrictions on the entry of construction materials and heavy machinery.As a result, Palestinians in Gaza have focused on partial reconstruction, using available materials to make damaged homes habitable. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has worked on over 230 housing units, benefiting more than a thousand people. However, these interventions are temporary solutions, and the real solution remains elusive.Abdel Nasser al-Jalousi, a 55-year-old resident of Khan Younis, has benefited from partial rehabilitation projects. His heavily damaged home has been made habitable with tarpaulins used as substitutes for walls, doors, and room partitions. However, he stresses that these materials are not a long-term fix and will need to be replaced every season.The scale of the crisis remains severe, with over 213,000 families living in tents and widespread damage during winter storms. The situation highlights the need for political will and massive resources to rebuild Gaza and provide sustainable solutions for its residents.

Analysts say that more than two years of relentless campaigns against Gaza, the Houthis, Lebanon and now Iran have reshaped Israel’s politics, economy and social fabric.Washington, rather than Jerusalem, is likely to decide the ultimate outcome of the conflict that Israeli leaders describe as an “existential battle” with Tehran.According to the Bank of Israel, the cumulative cost of these wars has reached 352 billion shekels (about $112 bn), which translates to roughly 300 million shekels ($96 m) per day. The financial pressure is compounded by the International Court of Justice hearing credible genocide accusations and the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for the prime minister and a former defence minister.Domestically, Israelis endure frequent air‑raid alerts and school closures, while many families juggle work and shelter duties. Yet a poll by the Israel Democracy Institute in late March showed that 78 % of Jewish Israelis still support continuing the war, even as a majority doubt that Washington and Israeli planners have fully grasped Tehran’s capabilities.Political commentator Dahlia Scheindlin told Al Jazeera that a “graveness” has settled over the population, noting a grim determination to press on despite exhaustion.Israel’s right‑wing coalition, led by figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and ultra‑Orthodox Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, has pushed through a controversial death‑penalty law targeting Palestinians and approved a record $271 bn budget. The budget allocates substantial funds to ultra‑Orthodox and settler communities, a move described by critics as an attempt to shore up Prime Minister Netanyahu’s waning support.Internationally, the United Nations, European Union and several Muslim‑majority states have condemned the new death‑penalty legislation, though Israel has so far avoided direct sanctions.Economists warn that the war’s fiscal impact extends beyond defence spending. A Le Monde analysis highlighted rising defence outlays, lost productivity from reservist mobilisation, and dampened consumer activity. While temporary tax cuts have mitigated fuel‑price spikes caused by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, political economist Shir Hever cautions that Israel’s reliance on imported fuel means any relief is short‑lived.Hever likens the current economic trajectory to that of a “totalitarian state,” where military expenses are pursued arbitrarily, ignoring broader economic stability.Ultimately, the war’s duration may hinge more on U.S. policy than Israeli strategy. When asked by Newsmax about progress toward its goals, Prime Minister Netanyahu could only claim the effort was “halfway” achieved.

Eight Muslim-majority countries, including Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, have issued a joint statement strongly condemning Israel's one-sided bill to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks.The countries expressed deep concern over the conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention, warning of mounting risks amid reports of ongoing abuses, including torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, starvation, and the denial of basic rights.Israel's parliament, the Knesset, passed the controversial bill on Monday, a one-sided law that will not impose the same penalty on Jewish Israelis convicted of killings. The law has been criticized by the United Nations and the European Union, but Israel's ally, the United States, came out in support of its sovereign right to determine its own laws.The eight countries also cautioned against measures by Israel that risk further inflaming tensions on the ground, stating that these practices reflect a broader pattern of violations against the Palestinian people.

Israel's death penalty law has significant implications for Palestinians, potentially leading to increased tensions and human rights concerns. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty for certain crimes, has been met with criticism from human rights groups and Palestinian authorities.The consequences of this law are far-reaching, affecting not only Palestinians convicted of crimes but also the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The law may be seen as a provocation by Palestinian leaders, potentially leading to increased violence and instability in the region.Human rights groups have expressed concerns about the fairness of trials and the treatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli custody. The law has also been criticized for its potential to disproportionately affect Palestinians, who make up a significant proportion of Israel's prison population.

Israel's death penalty law, recently making headlines, has been criticized for potentially disproportionately affecting Palestinians. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty in certain cases, has been defended by its proponents as a necessary measure to deter serious crimes. However, opponents argue that it violates international human rights standards and is being used as a political tool to maintain control over the Palestinian population.The law has been met with widespread condemnation from human rights groups and critics who see it as part of a broader pattern of discrimination against Palestinians. They argue that the law undermines the rule of law and perpetuates a cycle of violence and oppression.In response to the criticism, Israeli officials have emphasized the law's purpose as a deterrent, claiming it will help to reduce the incidence of serious crimes. However, many experts and activists question the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent and argue that it fails to address the root causes of violence.

TikTok announced the removal of a high‑profile Israeli far‑right influencer’s account after The Guardian identified videos in which he assaulted left‑wing activists in the occupied West Bank. The platform said the content breached its community guidelines on hate speech and bullying. The influencer, identified as Roi Star, posted footage in January showing himself entering a house used by activists in Ras Ein al‑Auja and using pepper spray on a protester who tried to stop him. In the same clip, he shouted, “This is Judea, not Palestine,” and later threatened to disclose personal details of the activists and their families. When contacted, Star claimed he was “talking about peace” and argued that the area was an open Israeli public space, insisting that his use of pepper spray was the “most minimal” defensive measure. He later described the incident as “acting” and said his intentions were not “extreme.” TikTok’s statement emphasized that its policies prohibit “violent and hateful individuals, including extremist praise or glorification,” and that the account was taken down for breaching these rules. The company also said it had removed additional videos linked to other Israeli far‑right agitators, though it did not disclose further details. The incident occurs against a backdrop of rising far‑right activity on social platforms since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Israeli forces and settlers have been responsible for the deaths of over 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, and recent weeks have seen an escalation of attacks on homes and activists. Human‑rights groups warn that the online amplification of such content fuels real‑world violence. Yuli Novak, executive director of B’Tselem, said dehumanising Palestinians has become “mainstream in Israel,” while digital‑media scholar Prof. Anat Ben‑David highlighted the “troubling convergence between platform dynamics and on‑the‑ground violence.” Activists on the ground report a profound psychological impact, with one resident of Masafer Yatta noting that the videos heighten fear among Palestinians living under daily settler attacks. The phenomenon mirrors the rhetoric of Israel’s far‑right politicians. In August 2025, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir faced criticism for posting a video taunting Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, while Knesset member Zvi Sukkot was filmed denying settler violence in the West Bank, framing the settlement enterprise as a biblical right. Meta’s Instagram continues to host numerous accounts linked to similar agitators, though the company has not responded to requests for comment. Experts argue that while platform policies technically forbid hate‑speech, their vague language allows harmful content to spread unchecked, underscoring the need for stronger enforcement to curb the digital propagation of extremist narratives.

Israel has recently enacted a law that institutionalizes the execution of Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks. This move is seen as a new phase in Israel's dehumanization of Palestinians, expanding a legal system designed to target and oppress them.The law does not create a new reality but rather enshrines a longstanding policy of using lethal force against Palestinians into law. This reality is already normalized in Israel, where Palestinians have been systematically killed in Gaza and the West Bank, often with near-total impunity.In the months since October 2023, Israel has increased the number of Palestinians in detention to over 10,000, many without trial, and subjected them to conditions that amount to torture. More than 80 Palestinians have died in Israeli custody amid documented abuse and inhumane conditions.This law emerges under a political leadership that openly embraces violence and dehumanization, led by senior government ministers who have built their power on incitement and the normalization of harm against Palestinians. The legislation faces virtually no political opposition and hardly provokes public debate in Israel.Globally, democratic states have been moving away from the death penalty, recognizing it as a violation of fundamental human rights. However, Israel is not an exception but a central driver of the erosion of international law, maintaining systems of lethal violence and oppression against Palestinians.A state that institutionalizes the execution of one population under its control while subjecting them to systemic violence and discrimination is not democratic; it is a system of lethal control. What is happening to Palestinians is already reshaping political and moral boundaries beyond Palestine, including in the US.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.