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President Donald Trump escalated rhetoric on Thursday, stating that the United States has yet to begin a full‑scale campaign against Iran’s remaining infrastructure and hinting that bridges and electric power plants could be next targets. The comment followed the release of video showing a U.S. strike on the newly completed B1 bridge that connects Tehran to Karaj, an attack that Iran reports killed eight people and injured 95. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi condemned the strike on civilian infrastructure, describing it as evidence of the “defeat and moral collapse” of the aggressor. In a statement posted on X, he warned that such attacks would not force Iran to surrender. The conflict, now entering its fifth week, has begun to ripple through regional and global markets. Instability around the Strait of Hormuz—a vital conduit for oil and gas—has prompted nations to scramble for alternative shipping routes. Satellite images this week captured smoke over Iran’s Qeshm Island, underscoring the heightened risk to infrastructure near the strategic waterway. Amid stalled negotiations with Iran’s new leadership, Trump’s intensified language comes as the United Nations Security Council prepares to vote on a resolution that could authorize member states to use “defensive means” to keep the strait open. Araghchi warned that any provocative action in the Council would only worsen the situation. Iranian media have begun listing potential retaliation targets, naming major bridges in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan as possible future strike points. The semi‑official Fars News Agency highlighted these crossings as vulnerable following the Karaj bridge attack. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed responsibility for recent strikes on U.S.-linked industrial sites in the Gulf, including steel facilities in Abu Dhabi and aluminium plants in Bahrain. The IRGC warned that if attacks on Iranian industries continue, “the next response will be much more painful” and will focus on the occupier’s core infrastructure. Health infrastructure has also suffered. Iran’s Health Ministry reported that U.S. and Israeli raids severely damaged the Pasteur Institute of Iran, a key research center for diseases such as cholera and COVID‑19. Ministry spokesperson Hossein Kermanpour called the strike “a direct assault on international health security.” WHO Director‑General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus echoed the condemnation, noting that the institute is now unable to deliver health services. The WHO has documented more than 20 attacks on Iranian healthcare facilities since the start of March. In a separate claim, Iranian officials said air defenses downed a second U.S. F‑35 fighter jet over central Iran, suggesting the pilot’s survival was unlikely. The United States has not responded to the allegation. Israel’s military reported a fresh barrage of Iranian missiles, which triggered air‑defence alerts and caused damage to homes, vehicles, and a train station in Tel Aviv. The widening hostilities, combined with threats to critical energy and health infrastructure, highlight the growing regional volatility and its potential to disrupt global markets.

Los Angeles residents are feeling the strain of soaring gas prices, with some stations charging as high as $8 a gallon. The Iran war has created the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market, according to the International Energy Agency, contributing to the price surge.For Jack Nooney, a musician and grocery deli employee, the daily commute from his San Fernando Valley apartment to Santa Monica has become a costly affair. To save gas, Nooney has started shifting his manual transmission into neutral and coasting down steep declines on the I-405. He also scouts for the best gas prices and prefers stations near his home.The impact of high gas prices is being felt across various industries. Chris Hardin, a music manager, says his clients are struggling with the increased costs, especially those who rely on touring. Hardin has started taking his motorcycle to work multiple times a week to save fuel.Professional drivers, however, have limited options. Jenise Blanc, owner of LA's Canyon Car Service, is absorbing the increased costs, but may be forced to re-evaluate her pricing strategy if the situation doesn't improve. Electric vehicles are becoming a more viable option, with Blanc's company now leaning into its two electric cars.The rising gas prices are also affecting small businesses, with Blanc noting that it's tough to pass on the increased costs to customers without risking a loss of business. As the situation continues, residents and businesses are looking for ways to adapt and mitigate the impact of high fuel costs.

European carmaker Stellantis has issued a recall for 44,000 vehicles in the UK due to a fault that could result in the cars catching fire. The issue affects certain models across its Peugeot, Citroën, DS Automobiles, Vauxhall, Lancia, Alfa Romeo, Jeep, and Fiat brands, produced between 2023 and 2026.The fault is related to a lack of clearance between the gas filter pipe and a component of the belt starter generator, which could cause water to leak into the engine bay during wet driving conditions. This creates a potential risk of fire in the engine.In response, Stellantis will immediately contact affected car owners to schedule a free appointment with their dealer. This recall comes as the company faces challenges, including a €22bn charge and the sale of a stake in its battery joint venture due to slower-than-expected growth in electric vehicles.The recall is a significant setback for Stellantis, which had previously planned to launch an electric truck, the Ram 1500 BEV. Meanwhile, sales of electric vehicles in Europe have soared, but demand in the US has collapsed following the withdrawal of a consumer tax credit.In contrast, rival Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) reported a recovery in sales over the past quarter, with a 61.1% jump in sales to 95,300 vehicles. However, quarterly sales were still down 14.5% compared to the same period a year earlier, largely due to a cyber-attack that halted production.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

A devastating explosion at a military base in Burundi's economic capital, Bujumbura, has resulted in at least 13 civilian fatalities and 57 injuries. The blast, caused by an electrical short circuit, occurred at the main ammunition depot of the Burundi National Defence Force (FDNB) in Musaga, a densely populated area.The army reported that houses and private vehicles were damaged in various neighborhoods, while military equipment and facilities were destroyed or burned. Three soldiers were among those wounded, but the army did not specify if any soldiers had been killed.The explosion occurred in a densely populated area adjoining the Higher Institute for Military Cadres (ISCAM), where aspiring army officers are trained and housed. Firefighting efforts were initially slowed by a water shortage, exacerbating the damage.Burundi, ranked by the World Bank as the world's poorest country by GDP per capita in 2023, has faced years of deep economic crises, including a severe fuel shortage. President Evariste Ndayishimiye expressed his sympathy to the victims, while authorities urged citizens to report unexploded munitions.

Seven civilians were killed in Israeli attacks on Beirut’s southern suburbs on April 1, according to Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health. The strike on the Jnah district killed five people and injured 21, while a separate raid on the town of Khaldeh resulted in two deaths and three injuries.Israeli officials said the operation aimed to eliminate a senior Hezbollah commander, though the militant group has neither confirmed nor denied the target. Security sources described the Jnah strike as a targeted assassination of vehicles rather than an apartment block, noting that many cars were parked near a school sheltering displaced residents.Hezbollah, meanwhile, reported cross‑border attacks and “fierce clashes” with Israeli soldiers near the border town of Shamaa, roughly 5 km from the frontier. The group also claimed to have fired more than 40 rockets toward northern Israel and engaged Israeli troops in other sectors.Since the latest escalation, at least ten Israeli soldiers have been reported killed, and three UN peacekeepers from UNIFIL lost their lives in southern Lebanon, prompting an investigation.The humanitarian toll continues to rise: Lebanon’s Health Ministry cites a death count of over 1,200 and notes that more than one million people have been displaced by the conflict.In Jerusalem, far‑right ministers are urging Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to annex southern Lebanon, while the prime minister has ordered the army to expand the ground invasion to fundamentally alter the security situation in Israel’s north.Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz warned that homes in Lebanese border villages would be demolished and that the estimated 600,000 displaced residents would not be allowed to return until Israel deems the area secure, fueling fears of a prolonged occupation.Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam recently banned Hezbollah’s military activities and called on the national army to prevent attacks from Lebanese territory. However, the Iran‑aligned militia, which operates independently of the Lebanese government, has refused to disarm and insists on repelling Israeli advances.

Recent commentary on the Iran school bombing rightly challenges the knee‑jerk tendency to blame artificial intelligence for the tragedy. The deeper issue, however, lies in the emerging linguistic habit of labeling incidents as "AI errors," which subtly removes the human actors from the narrative.When responsibility is shifted from people to systems, moral accountability becomes vague. Human designers, authorisers and operators remain the decision‑makers, even if the technology automates the final act. Concealing this fact is not a technical flaw; it is a civic failure that hampers accountability.Beyond accelerating warfare, AI is fostering a subtler shift: using automation as an alibi. If public discourse cannot pinpoint who acted, the public cannot hold anyone to account.Critics also note that the language used to describe rogue AI agents—terms like “connived,” “lied,” or “cheated”—anthropomorphises machines and further obscures responsibility. As Dr. Felicity Mellor of Imperial College London observes, such phrasing assigns moral agency to large language models instead of the people who deploy them.Consider a hypothetical where a company releases high‑speed vehicles without functional brakes. We would not say the cars "connived" to cause accidents; we would blame the company’s reckless leadership. Similarly, if uncontrolled AI ever harms civilians, we must be able to hold technology firms and the governments that endorse them accountable, which requires clear attribution of moral agency in our language.Anthony LawtonMarket Harborough, LeicestershireDr. Felicity MellorDirector, Science Communication Unit, Imperial College London

Police in Wuhan reported a sudden "system malfunction" that immobilised several autonomous robotaxis operated by Baidu’s Apollo Go service, leaving passengers stuck on an elevated highway for up to an hour and a half.Local authorities said they received a flood of calls on Tuesday night from riders whose vehicles froze in the middle of the road. A police statement confirmed that “multiple Apollo Go cars stopped in the middle of the road, unable to move,” and preliminary investigations point to a technical failure.Baidu maintains a fleet of more than 500 driverless cars in Wuhan, though the exact number affected was not disclosed. One commuter shared a 90‑minute ordeal on the Chinese platform RedNote, describing how the vehicle stalled at 9 p.m. on an overpass, surrounded by dump trucks, while customer‑service lines remained unanswered.The rider eventually was rescued after the order was cancelled at 10:30 p.m., but criticized Apollo Go’s support team for offering “useless platitudes” instead of concrete solutions. Social‑media users also posted videos captioned “Apollo Go, are you paralysed?” showing futile attempts to contact the company via the in‑car tablet.This is not Baidu’s first controversy. In December, authorities in Zhuzhou halted robotaxi operations after a Baidu‑manufactured autonomous vehicle struck two pedestrians, sending them to intensive care.Despite these setbacks, Baidu’s autonomous‑mobility arm continues to grow. Company filings reveal that Apollo Go delivered 3.4 million driverless rides in the fourth quarter of 2025, a jump of over 200 % compared with the same period in 2024. The firm is also pursuing international expansion, having announced partnership deals with rideshare giants Lyft and Uber to deploy its vehicles on their platforms.When approached for comment, Baidu did not respond, according to Reuters.Additional reporting by Yu‑chen Li

Energy crises do more than lift household bills; they can reshape an entire economy. In the 1970s the United Kingdom responded to oil shortages by expanding North Sea extraction and becoming a net energy exporter. Today, with a 10 million‑barrel‑per‑day supply deficit and a fifth of global LNG trade under strain, that strategy no longer offers security.The UK is now acutely vulnerable to volatile gas prices. Inflation expectations are rising, markets anticipate higher interest rates, and borrowing costs have surged to levels not seen since the 2008 financial crisis. The ripple effect is already evident in food markets, where inflation hit 3.3 % in February and could climb sharply within three months.New data reveal that the hundreds of North Sea licences granted since 2010 have added merely 36 days of extra gas production. Major oil majors such as BP are re‑emphasising oil and gas to reassure investors, while Shell continues aggressive share‑buy‑backs. The reality is clear: fossil‑fuel giants cannot be the rescue plan.Gas should no longer set the price floor for electricity. As the grid leans more on wind and solar, gas must be treated as a backup resource, compensated with a fixed or regulated price rather than wholesale market volatility. Research from University College London and Common Wealth outlines a practical model for this approach.Beyond market reforms, households need a safety net. An essential energy guarantee—a capped, affordable band of consumption for every home—mirrors schemes adopted in Austria, the Netherlands and Poland after the 2022 crisis and would be more targeted than the current blanket price‑support guarantee.Similarly, a protected basket of staple foods, backed by long‑term procurement and direct support for domestic producers, could stabilise prices. France’s 2023 anti‑inflation shopping‑basket experiment offers a template, and the UK already supplies over 60 % of its own food, though it remains dependent on imports for fruits, vegetables, rice and fertilisers.The long‑term solution lies in renewable power. Record wind generation this year has already reduced gas‑fired output, while consumer interest in solar panels, batteries and heat pumps is soaring. A typical solar‑plus‑battery system can slash a household’s electricity bill to under £2 per month, and electric‑vehicle owners can save more than £1,000 annually on fuel costs.To unlock these savings, the government must back financing mechanisms such as zero‑interest loans, subscription‑style purchases for solar and heat‑pump kits, and leasing schemes for electric vehicles. On a larger scale, a dual‑interest‑rate policy—standard rates for the broader economy and preferential, low‑cost funding for clean‑energy projects—could mirror the green‑lending models already used by China’s central bank and the Bank of Japan.In short, the United Kingdom faces a decisive moment. The 1970s taught that energy shocks can remake a nation; the question now is whether the UK will seize this crisis to protect living standards and build a resilient, low‑carbon energy system for the decades ahead.