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Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen described the new space‑thriller Project Hail Mary as “a real treat” after watching it with his family and fellow Artemis II crew members ahead of their upcoming lunar fly‑around.During a live broadcast organized by the Canadian Space Agency, Hansen highlighted how the film exemplifies the synergy between art and science, noting that it “inspires people to imagine the sacrifices required to save humanity.”Co‑star Ryan Gosling, who shares Hansen’s Canadian roots in London, Ontario, sent his best wishes to the four astronauts before the mission’s scheduled launch on Wednesday.Hansen’s participation marks a milestone: he is the first non‑U.S. citizen to travel to the Moon. If the mission proceeds as planned, Artemis II will travel more than 250,000 miles from Earth, surpassing the distance record set by Apollo 13 in 1970.The crew’s ambition echoes past cinematic portrayals of space, recalling the acclaimed 1995 film about Apollo 13, and underscores the growing cultural interplay between Hollywood storytelling and real‑world exploration.

Peptides are short chains of amino acids that naturally occur in the body, acting as hormones such as insulin, oxytocin and vasopressin, or as fragments released during protein digestion.In recent years, a wave of interest has turned these molecules into purported therapeutic agents for everything from weight loss to anti‑ageing and tissue repair. Prescription drugs like semaglutide (Wegovy) and tirzepatide (Mounjaro) are synthetic peptides that have undergone rigorous clinical testing and are approved for specific medical uses.However, a large portion of the market consists of unregulated, experimental peptides sold for self‑administration. These products often bypass the strict approval processes required for medicines, raising serious safety concerns.Who is using these products? Initially confined to a niche of powerlifters and bodybuilders in the 2010s, the audience has expanded dramatically. Influential figures such as podcaster Joe Rogan have promoted combinations like the “Wolverine stack” (BPC‑157 and TB‑500) for injury recovery, while other compounds—CJC‑1295, MK‑677, ipamorelin, and GHK‑Cu—are marketed for muscle growth and anti‑ageing. Social media platforms are now flooded with instructions on purchasing and injecting these substances.Scientific backing is scant. Reviews of the literature reveal that most experimental peptides have only been tested in animal or cell models. For example, BPC‑157 shows promise for tendon and muscle repair in pre‑clinical studies, but no randomized human trials have validated these effects. Similarly, TB‑4 and its synthetic analogue TB‑500 have demonstrated limited blood‑vessel formation in laboratory settings, yet human data are absent and both are listed as prohibited substances by the World Anti‑Doping Agency.Researchers also highlight a critical knowledge gap: dosage, frequency and treatment duration remain undefined, making self‑administration a gamble.Legal landscape in the UK is clear that peptides not classified as medicines fall outside the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency’s (MHRA) remit. If a seller makes medicinal claims, the product must hold a marketing authorisation under the Human Medicines Regulations 2012. The MHRA warns that labeling items as “research use only” does not shield vendors from enforcement when evidence shows the products are intended for human consumption.Health risks are multi‑fold. Experts caution that benefits observed in animal studies do not guarantee safety in humans. Contamination with harmful impurities or bacterial endotoxins can trigger severe reactions, including septic shock. Injecting excess natural peptides may disrupt the body’s tightly regulated hormonal balance, potentially affecting multiple physiological pathways.There is also theoretical concern that augmenting peptide levels could accelerate tumour growth, as some cancers over‑express certain peptide pathways. While no direct cases have been documented, the possibility underscores the need for caution.Additional dangers include improper injection techniques (e.g., air embolism), unknown interactions with existing medications, and the lack of systematic monitoring of long‑term effects. As one researcher put it, “If something goes wrong, users may never notice until irreversible damage has occurred.”

Rangers seized a 4-2 win against Dundee United, lifting them to the summit of the Scottish Premiership for the first time in more than two years. Goals from Ryan Naderi, Dujon Sterling, Thelo Aasgaard and substitute Bojan Miovski proved decisive, while Dundee United replied through Amar Fatah and Zac Sapsford. Manager Danny Rohl, who took charge in October when Rangers were 13 points adrift of Hearts, praised his squad’s mindset, urging them to stay "on the front foot" as the season enters its final stretch. With six games remaining, Rangers now lead Hearts on goal difference, though the Jambos can reclaim the lead when they travel to Livingston on Sunday. Celtic, five points behind, face Dundee later the same day. Rohl emphasized that the club must remain "the hunter" despite the newfound top‑spot, insisting that a consistent run of six wins will secure a trophy. He also warned that the upcoming away match at Falkirk will be "very, very difficult" and that the team must take the season "step by step". In a parallel storyline, Hibernian thumped Kilmarnock 3-0 at Easter Road, moving within three points of fourth‑placed Motherwell. Early strikes from Owen Elding and Felix Passlack set the tone, with substitute Ante Suto adding a late goal. Meanwhile, St Mirren secured a 2-0 victory over Aberdeen, with Jonah Ayunga opening the scoring and Alex Gogic heading home the winner, keeping the Dons three points clear of the relegation‑playoff zone. At Fir Park, Falkirk earned a historic top‑six finish by beating Motherwell 3-2. Early header by Barney Stewart set the pace, and despite a volley from Elliot Watt that levelled the match, Falkirk restored their lead before halftime and held on for the win, marking their first top‑half finish in 31 years. These results tighten a fiercely contested title race and underline the volatility of the Scottish top flight as the campaign heads into its decisive phase.

The United States has long honored past presidents by naming airports, dams and monuments after them, but President Donald Trump is pushing the practice to an extreme, seeking to become the most commemorated leader in American history. Less than a year and a half into his second term, Trump’s brand has proliferated across government buildings, federal agencies and even consumer platforms. In February, the administration unveiled TrumpRx, a prescription‑drug website that listed only 43 medications—most of which are available as cheaper generics elsewhere—yet proudly displayed the former president’s signature and logo. Just weeks later, the White House and the U.S. Navy announced a new "Trump class" of battleships, billed as the "largest ever built." A Pentagon release noted that the Navy has not used battleships in combat for 35 years, suggesting the project is more a vanity exercise than a strategic necessity. Federal institutions have not been spared. In December 2025 the U.S. Institute of Peace was renamed the "Donald J. Trump United States Institute of Peace," a move the White House framed as a reminder of "strong leadership" for global stability—just weeks before the administration launched a military strike on Iran. Trump’s influence extended to the arts when, in February 2025, he appointed a new board to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and installed himself as chair. The board voted in December to rename the venue the "Donald J. Trump and John F. Kennedy Center," a change that immediately faced a legal challenge. Republican lawmakers have largely embraced the naming spree. One congressman introduced legislation to carve Trump’s likeness onto Mount Rushmore, while another proposed naming a major airport after him, underscoring the party’s willingness to reward the president’s personal brand. Political scientist Steven Levitsky of Harvard warned that Trump operates "unconstrained" by advisers or party elders, noting that today’s Republican ambition often hinges on pleasing the president, including attaching his name to public projects. Visual propaganda has also surged. Giant banners bearing Trump’s image now hang from the Department of Justice and the Department of Labor buildings, a rarity for a sitting president and a practice more typical of authoritarian regimes, according to Princeton sociologist Kim L. Scheppele. Beyond buildings, the administration has pursued numismatic honors. A 24‑karat gold coin featuring Trump standing over a desk was approved by a hand‑picked arts commission, and drafts of a new $1 coin displayed an air‑brushed profile of the former president. The Treasury Department announced that Trump’s signature will appear on U.S. paper currency later this year, a move Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described as a "powerful way to recognize historic achievements" of the nation. Critics argue that the public does not share the president’s enthusiasm. The 2026 National Parks Pass, which traditionally showcases natural scenery, sparked outrage when a draft featured Trump’s stern face with a spectral George Washington behind him. A cottage industry of stickers emerged to cover the image, forcing the National Park Service to warn that such alterations could void the pass. White House spokesperson Davis Ingle defended the branding, claiming it reflects Trump’s “vast accomplishments,” including the largest tax cut in history and border security measures. Yet scholars and opponents contend that the relentless self‑promotion blurs the line between public service and personal aggrandizement. As the branding campaign continues, legal challenges, public pushback, and questions about fiscal priorities suggest that Trump’s quest to name everything after himself may soon encounter more than just decorative resistance.

The UK medicines regulator has opened an inquiry into a growing number of clinics that sell injectable peptides while promoting them as cures for everything from ageing to injury recovery. The investigation, disclosed by the Guardian, focuses on whether these businesses are breaching the Human Medicines Regulations 2012 by making unauthorised medicinal claims. Interest in peptide‑based treatments has surged in recent years, driven by social‑media influencers, some healthcare professionals, and direct‑to‑consumer marketers. Yet the scientific foundation for most of these claims is weak, with the bulk of research confined to animal models or cell‑culture studies. According to an MHRA spokesperson, any clinic that advertises a peptide as having therapeutic benefits must treat the product as a medicine, which triggers a comprehensive regulatory framework. "If clinics offering peptide injections make medicinal claims for those treatments, the products will be considered medicines and subject to regulation," the agency warned, adding that it will act against any identified breaches. Guardian reporters identified several high‑ranking Google search results that list peptides such as Cortexin (promoted for neuroprotection), BPC‑157 (claimed to aid tissue repair), and Thymosin Alpha (advertised to boost immunity). After being contacted, one clinic removed the statements from its website. Another clinic, while acknowledging the limited human evidence, continued to market seven specific peptides, providing price lists (£350 per month for a single peptide, £450 for two) and offering delivery via vials, syringes, or pre‑filled pens for an additional fee. During a free consultation, a clinician highlighted the experimental nature of the products, noting the absence of large‑scale, randomised clinical trials and recommending a break of four to eight weeks between treatment cycles to mitigate unknown risks. The clinician suggested BPC‑157 for post‑exercise recovery, describing it as a facilitator of cellular repair and blood flow, but warned against its use in smokers or individuals with a family history of cancer due to potential angiogenic effects. The second peptide discussed was MOTS‑C, portrayed as a mitochondrial enhancer that could improve stress resilience, lower insulin resistance, and reduce visceral fat by boosting cellular energy production (ATP). The MHRA confirmed it is reviewing whether the clinician’s statements constitute medicinal claims. The clinic defended its approach, emphasizing that it clearly informs clients that the peptides are not licensed medicines and that the evidence base is largely pre‑clinical. In a broader statement, Lynda Scammell, head of borderline products at the MHRA, explained that peptide products may be marketed as cosmetics, supplements, or medicines, and each case is assessed on its intended use, pharmacological effect, and supporting evidence. She added, "We disregard claims that products are for ‘research purposes’ if it is clear that such claims are being used as an attempt to avoid medicines regulations." Peptides are short chains of amino acids, some of which occur naturally (e.g., insulin). While synthetic peptide analogues like semaglutide and tirzepatide have secured approval for weight‑loss treatments, many of the compounds promoted by these clinics remain experimental and lack the rigorous safety and efficacy testing required for medicinal products.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

The UK is facing a potential rebranding of its beloved breakfast spread, marmalade, due to new EU rules. The proposed changes are part of a planned food deal with the EU, which would require the UK to align with the bloc's naming rules for food products.Under the new rules, marmalades may need to be relabelled to specify the type of fruit used, such as 'citrus marmalade'. However, the government has clarified that 'orange marmalade' will still be allowed and that jars on UK shelves will remain unchanged.The Conservative former home secretary, Priti Patel, has accused Labour of 'attacking the great British marmalade', claiming that the prime minister is 'desperate to fit in with his EU pals and unpick Brexit'. However, the government spokesperson has denied this, stating that the deal simply supports trade by cutting unnecessary red tape.The UK is being asked to align with regulations already in force within the EU, which allow all conserves to be marketed as marmalades as long as the type of fruit is specified. The rules were relaxed in 2004 to allow fruit-based spreads to be referred to as marmalades in certain European countries.A government source pointed out that marmalade on UK supermarket shelves is already usually labelled as 'orange marmalade', which they suggested is in compliance with the EU rules. The government has assured that the agreement supports exporters while fully preserving the UK's ability to shape food rules in the national interest.

American consumers are watching gasoline and airline fares climb, while economists warn that the war in Iran will keep pressure on prices across the U.S. economy.“The good old days are gone,” said Christopher Tang, a professor at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management who studies global supply chains. “We see gasoline prices rising now, but that’s only the tip of the iceberg; everything will become more expensive.”Since the conflict began in late February, crude oil has surged past $110 a barrel. The rally is tied to Iran’s leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil passes.In a recent address, President Donald Trump claimed the United States is “totally independent of the Middle East” and has “plenty of gas.” However, Brookings Institute’s energy‑security director Samantha Gross reminded listeners that oil is a globally traded commodity and the U.S. still imports significant volumes, meaning American consumers will face the same high prices as the rest of the world.Iran has either halted shipments through the strait or imposed a toll of up to $2 million per vessel. Tankers are forced to take longer routes or pay the fee, inflating logistics costs for all downstream users.Major logistics players are already passing those costs on. Amazon announced a 3.5% surcharge for third‑party sellers, while UPS and FedEx have introduced fuel surcharges exceeding 25%. The United States Postal Service will add an 8% surcharge to transportation rates starting 27 April, noting the charge is “less than one‑third of what our competitors charge for fuel alone.”When the prices go up, they rarely come back down— Christopher Tang, UCLACountries have dipped into strategic oil reserves to blunt the shock, but economists such as Virginia Tech’s David Bieri warn that refilling those stockpiles will require buying oil at today’s elevated prices, keeping the upward pressure on the market.Higher oil costs ripple beyond fuel. Crude is a key feedstock for chemicals, pharmaceuticals and fertilizers, meaning the surge could translate into higher prices for prescription drugs and groceries.Cornell University’s agricultural economics professor Christopher Wolf explained that diesel, a major input for farm equipment and fertilizer production, is also climbing, raising the cost of both crop cultivation and livestock raising.Retailers and food processors are already adjusting. “If we anticipate higher costs, we start raising prices early to avoid a sudden shock later,” Wolf said, describing a “rational expectations” approach.The Independent Grocers Alliance warned that a 10‑15% rise in fuel costs could lift food prices by 2‑4% by mid‑summer, underscoring the broader impact on household budgets.Although President Trump expects the United States to exit the Iran conflict within two to three weeks, experts agree that even a swift resolution will not instantly reverse the price spikes.The strait’s strategic importance means the political risk premium on oil will linger. “You never know when this could flare up again,” said Northeastern University’s Ravi Ramamurti, adding that the effect is likely to be persistent.As Tang summed up, “When the prices go up, they rarely come back down.”

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.