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Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

The UK is leading a coalition of approximately 40 nations in virtual talks to address the ongoing blockade of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran. The waterway, crucial for global energy supply, has been blocked since the US and Israel initiated a war on Iran on February 28.The blockade has had severe economic repercussions, causing global oil prices to skyrocket above $100 per barrel, a roughly 40% increase from pre-war levels. This surge has forced countries, particularly in Asia, to implement fuel rationing and reduce industrial production. For instance, Malaysia has ordered all civil servants to work from home to conserve energy.The US has opted out of these talks, with President Donald Trump stating it's not the US's responsibility to reopen the strait, suggesting that European countries should secure their own oil. In response, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is chairing a video conference with over 40 countries, including France, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Canada, Australia, and the United Arab Emirates.The meeting's agenda includes assessing diplomatic and political measures to restore freedom of navigation, ensure the safety of trapped ships and seafarers, and resume the movement of vital commodities. The UK government has also outlined plans to clear the strait of landmines and protect tankers crossing the area.Experts suggest that while the coalition's efforts are crucial, the blockade's resolution is uncertain without an arrangement with Iran. Iran has demanded international recognition of its authority over the Strait of Hormuz as one of its conditions for a ceasefire. The country's parliament is also considering legislation to collect tolls from ships transiting the strait.Analysts argue that reopening the strait by force would require US and European allies to collaborate. However, under current circumstances, the coalition's success seems doubtful unless a negotiated arrangement with Iran is reached.

Pakistan and Afghanistan have confirmed they are holding talks in China aimed at ending the worst conflict between the South Asian neighbours since the Afghan Taliban returned to power in 2021.Senior officials from both countries are holding preliminary talks in the northwestern Chinese city of Urumqi to try to secure a ceasefire to end months of cross-border attacks, Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tahir Andrabi said on Thursday.The fighting has killed dozens of people on both sides and disrupted trade and cross-border travel since it started in October.Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of harbouring fighters who carry out attacks inside Pakistan, especially the Pakistani Taliban, known as Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The group is separate from but allied with the Afghan Taliban, which took over Afghanistan in 2021 following the chaotic withdrawal of United States-led troops.Andrabi told reporters in Beijing that the government hoped for a “durable solution”.“Our participation [in talks] is a reiteration of our core concerns,” he said.“The burden of real process, however, lies with Afghanistan, which must demonstrate visible and verifiable actions against terrorist groups using [its] soil against Pakistan.”Following China’s request for talks, Afghanistan’s Taliban government said it had sent a “mid-level delegation” to Urumqi.The Afghan side “intends to hold comprehensive and responsible talks with the other side on good neighbourliness, strengthening trade relations, and effective management of security issues”, Foreign Ministry spokesman Abdul Qahar Balkhi said.Pakistan described the negotiations as “working-level talks”.“Our delegation has not returned yet,” Islamabad’s Foreign Ministry spokesman said.China, which also borders both countries, has been trying to mediate a negotiated settlement to the conflict.Beijing deployed a special envoy to try to broker a deal last month, but the diplomatic effort was followed by Pakistani strikes on a Kabul rehab centre that prompted international condemnation.More than 400 people were killed in the attack, according to Afghan officials. Islamabad said the strike targeted military installations and “terrorist support infrastructure”.The two sides then announced a pause in fighting to mark the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, at the request of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkiye.But sporadic attacks have been reported in border areas since the temporary truce ended.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Widespread celebrations have erupted in the Democratic Republic of Congo after the national football team secured a historic qualification for the World Cup, ending a 50-year wait for the country's football fans.The DR Congo team's achievement marks a significant milestone in the country's football history, bringing joy and pride to the nation.

Iraq's national football team, known as the Lions of Mesopotamia, has made history by qualifying for the FIFA World Cup 2026 for the first time in nearly 40 years. Their 2-1 victory over Bolivia on Tuesday night secured their spot as the 48th and final team to qualify.The team's achievement is particularly significant given the current conflict in the region, with Iraq being drawn into the hostilities between the US, Israel, and Iran. Despite the challenges, including sporadic gunfire and economic difficulties, supporters flooded Baghdad's main shopping areas at dawn to celebrate their team's triumph.“This victory is incredibly precious to us, despite the war raging,” said Ahmed, a 22-year-old supporter, highlighting the unifying effect of the team's success across different sects in Iraq. The jubilant crowd brought traffic to a standstill, with thousands waving Iraqi flags and celebrating into the night.The Iraqi team's journey to the World Cup was not without its challenges, with some players forced to travel partially overland due to suspended air travel caused by the conflict. However, Ali al-Hamadi and Aymen Hussein each scored a goal in the memorable win, securing their place in World Cup Group I against France, Senegal, and Norway.In celebration of their victory, Iraqi leaders congratulated the team and promised financial bonuses for the win. A two-day holiday was also declared, with state television broadcasting nationwide celebrations.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

Recent weeks have been a test of resolve for Chelsea. A humiliating 3‑0 loss to Paris Saint‑Germain in the Champions League last‑16, coupled with a slide in the Premier League, has left the Blues scrambling for answers. Adding to the chaos, two of the squad’s most influential players have gone public. Argentine midfielder Enzo Fernández hinted at a summer move, saying, "I really like Madrid, it’s similar to Buenos Aires," while left‑back Marc Cucurella told The Athletic that the club is paying the price for its inexperience and that the PSG defeat has left the dressing‑room "discouraged". These remarks strike at the heart of Chelsea’s BlueCo‑era project, which has relied on signing young talent to build a sustainable future. Critics point out that, unlike Manchester United’s Class of ’92, Chelsea lacks seasoned veterans to mentor the newcomers. The debate resurfaced when Liam Rosenior was appointed head coach in January, with the club’s hierarchy insisting that a long‑term contract (six‑and‑a‑half years) will give him time to nurture the squad. Leadership dynamics are also under scrutiny. Fernández, who wears the captain’s armband in Reece James’s absence, publicly criticised goalkeeper Filip Jörgensen after a costly error against PSG – a move many view as inconsistent with the culture of a united dressing‑room. Financially, Chelsea has tried to balance ambition with prudence. Fernández’s contract runs until 2032 and is heavily incentive‑based, a strategy designed to keep the wage bill in check. Nonetheless, the club posted a **pre‑tax loss of £262.4 million** for the 2024‑25 season, the largest in English football history, raising questions about the sustainability of its recruitment model. There have been moments of optimism. Chelsea lifted the Club World Cup after beating PSG last summer, but the departure of former coach Enzo Maresca in early January – allegedly after talks with Manchester City figures – destabilised the squad. Players like Fernández and Cucurella recall the impact of that exit on team morale. Despite recent setbacks, the club remains confident in Rosenior’s vision, extending Cucurella’s deal last summer and securing long‑term contracts for key figures such as Reece James, Cole Palmer, and Moisés Caicedo. The Blues still have a realistic chance of qualifying for next season’s Champions League and host Port Vale in the FA Cup quarter‑finals. Looking ahead, sources suggest a possible shift in recruitment strategy, moving away from an exclusive focus on raw talent toward a blend of proven Premier League players and selective signings. While Fernández’s desire for a better contract could spark a transfer saga – with Madrid reportedly unwilling to meet a £100 million fee – the club must decide whether retaining a player whose ambitions no longer align with its project is worth the risk. In sum, Chelsea faces a pivotal moment: restore on‑field performance, manage a record financial loss, and convince both fans and players that the youth‑centred blueprint can deliver the trophies promised under the “trust the process” mantra.

Shoaib Bashir, a 22-year-old off-spinner, has joined Derbyshire Cricket Club on a two-year deal, marking a fresh start in his cricket career. Bashir, who was overlooked by England for the Ashes despite two years of investment, aims to secure regular game time and work with renowned coach Mickey Arthur.Bashir's goals remain unchanged, with his sights set on winning back his Test spot with England. He believes working with Arthur, who has coached Pakistan, South Africa, and Australia, will be instrumental in his development. Arthur, 57, is known for his enthusiasm for the game and his ability to nurture young talent.“Every time you wear an England shirt it’s the most special thing,” Bashir said. “I was more than happy just observing, watching, learning so much in Australia. I’m only 22 so I’ve still got to take in a lot of information.”Arthur praised Bashir, calling him an “exciting talent” with a bright future ahead. “I think he’s such an exciting talent. For a guy that challenges both edges of the bat, and being only 22, it’s a fantastic package,” Arthur said.Bashir has played 19 Test matches, taking 68 wickets at 39, but has only played 18 games in the County Championship. He is eager to make an impact with Derbyshire and prove himself as a valuable asset to the England team.