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Iran launched a fresh wave of missiles toward Israel in what appears to be a direct response to U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent televised address. In that speech, Trump asserted that Washington had effectively destroyed the Iranian military and was on the brink of fulfilling its war goals in the region. The presidential remarks came just hours after Trump claimed that Iran had asked for a ceasefire. Tehran promptly denied the request, emphasizing that it had not sought any pause in hostilities. This escalation underscores the volatile dynamics of the Middle East, where diplomatic rhetoric from Washington can quickly translate into kinetic actions on the ground. The missile barrage not only heightens the risk of broader conflict between Iran and Israel but also places the United States in a precarious position, having publicly declared a near‑victory over Tehran while its ally faces direct attacks. Analysts note that Trump's statements may be aimed at bolstering domestic support by portraying a decisive end to a protracted regional struggle. However, the Iranian denial of a ceasefire request suggests that diplomatic channels remain strained, and the likelihood of further military exchanges is increasing. Regional observers warn that continued missile exchanges could destabilize already fragile peace efforts, potentially drawing in additional actors and complicating any forthcoming negotiations.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”

TikTok announced the removal of a high‑profile Israeli far‑right influencer’s account after The Guardian identified videos in which he assaulted left‑wing activists in the occupied West Bank. The platform said the content breached its community guidelines on hate speech and bullying. The influencer, identified as Roi Star, posted footage in January showing himself entering a house used by activists in Ras Ein al‑Auja and using pepper spray on a protester who tried to stop him. In the same clip, he shouted, “This is Judea, not Palestine,” and later threatened to disclose personal details of the activists and their families. When contacted, Star claimed he was “talking about peace” and argued that the area was an open Israeli public space, insisting that his use of pepper spray was the “most minimal” defensive measure. He later described the incident as “acting” and said his intentions were not “extreme.” TikTok’s statement emphasized that its policies prohibit “violent and hateful individuals, including extremist praise or glorification,” and that the account was taken down for breaching these rules. The company also said it had removed additional videos linked to other Israeli far‑right agitators, though it did not disclose further details. The incident occurs against a backdrop of rising far‑right activity on social platforms since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Israeli forces and settlers have been responsible for the deaths of over 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, and recent weeks have seen an escalation of attacks on homes and activists. Human‑rights groups warn that the online amplification of such content fuels real‑world violence. Yuli Novak, executive director of B’Tselem, said dehumanising Palestinians has become “mainstream in Israel,” while digital‑media scholar Prof. Anat Ben‑David highlighted the “troubling convergence between platform dynamics and on‑the‑ground violence.” Activists on the ground report a profound psychological impact, with one resident of Masafer Yatta noting that the videos heighten fear among Palestinians living under daily settler attacks. The phenomenon mirrors the rhetoric of Israel’s far‑right politicians. In August 2025, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir faced criticism for posting a video taunting Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, while Knesset member Zvi Sukkot was filmed denying settler violence in the West Bank, framing the settlement enterprise as a biblical right. Meta’s Instagram continues to host numerous accounts linked to similar agitators, though the company has not responded to requests for comment. Experts argue that while platform policies technically forbid hate‑speech, their vague language allows harmful content to spread unchecked, underscoring the need for stronger enforcement to curb the digital propagation of extremist narratives.

Kara Lawson watched her Duke Blue Devils fall 70‑58 to the No. 1 UCLA Bruins in the Elite Eight, ending a 20‑year wait for a Final Four appearance. The loss followed a stunning buzzer‑beater upset of No. 2 seed LSU in the Sweet 16, but the Blue Devils couldn’t replicate that performance against UCLA.After the game, Lawson told reporters, "What a great season it’s been for us, and this group has been a joy to coach every day." She highlighted the team’s resilience after a rocky start that saw six defeats between early November and late December.Notre Dame’s season ended similarly, with a 70‑52 defeat to the defending champion UConn Huskies in the Elite Eight. Head coach Niele Ivey reflected on the journey, noting that the roster’s revival after a difficult 2025 season "gave me a lot of joy" and that coaching with joy makes her a better leader.Vanderbilt’s Commodores, coached by Shea Ralph, also saw their tournament run halted, losing 67‑64 to Notre Dame. Ralph, who inherited a program with strong support but limited recent success, deliberately built a culture of joy. Star guard Mikayla Blakes praised Ralph for restoring her love for the game, saying, "She found joy in my life and helped me enjoy basketball again."Looking ahead, the semifinals will feature two marquee matchups: South Carolina vs. UConn and UCLA vs. Texas. Both games promise high‑stakes basketball as the remaining teams vie for the championship.The tournament also underscores broader trends in women’s basketball. A decade ago, the NCAA reported that only 4.5% of high‑school players advance to college, and just 1.4% reach Division I. The WNBA’s expansion to 15 teams this season creates more professional slots, yet demand still outpaces supply, making the focus on joy and development all the more vital.Texas coach Vic Schaefer echoed the sentiment, describing the season as "the most fun" he’s had in over thirty years of coaching. With senior guard Rori Harmon preparing to graduate, Schaefer emphasized the team’s mission‑driven mindset and the pure enjoyment they find on the court.In a sport where the pipeline narrows at every level, the prevailing message from coaches and players alike is clear: joy remains the driving force that sustains teams through triumphs and setbacks alike.

A Lebanese‑French visual artist, Ali Cherri, has lodged a formal complaint with the French war‑crimes unit in Paris, accusing Israel of committing a war crime after a 2024 airstrike on his family home in Beirut killed his parents and a domestic worker. The filing marks the first time a French court has taken up a case concerning Israel’s bombing of Lebanon and is an unusual move by an individual to pursue war‑crimes accountability. Israel has faced repeated accusations of violating international humanitarian law in Lebanon and Gaza, including attacks on civilians, medical facilities and forced displacement, yet no Israeli officials have been prosecuted to date. Cherri said, "Our demand is that an investigation is opened so that we know for a fact what happened, to name this attack as a war crime against civilians, and hopefully be able to name the people responsible." The apartment, built by his grandparents in central Beirut, was struck a few hours before a cease‑fire between Hezbollah and Israel took effect on 26 November 2024. The 13‑month conflict had already claimed roughly 4,000 Lebanese lives. The blast, which gave no prior evacuation warning, destroyed three floors, killing Cherri’s 86‑year‑old father Mahmoud Naib Cherri, 76‑year‑old mother Nadira Hayek, their employee Birki Negesa and four other civilians. In February, Amnesty International’s investigation concluded there was no military target at the time of the strike and urged that the incident be examined as a war crime. Forensic Architecture, a UK‑based investigative group that helped draft the complaint, produced a 3‑D reconstruction of the building and identified the munition as a GBU‑39 guided bomb – a 250 lb US‑made weapon frequently used by Israel in Lebanon and Gaza. The analysis underscored the targeted nature of the attack and, according to the group, demonstrated direct responsibility of the Israeli army. Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, Heba Morayef, called the French civil complaint “a rare opportunity” to hold Israel accountable in a European court, given the usual impunity. The case arrives amid renewed hostilities: on 2 March Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel, prompting an Israeli aerial campaign and ground invasion that has killed 1,318 people so far. Photographer Mohammed Shehab, who collaborated with Forensic Architecture on the Cherri investigation, was himself killed in an Israeli strike on 11 March, which also claimed his infant daughter’s life and wounded his wife – an incident the group described as “circumstances similar” to the Cherri bombing. While Cherri doubts any Israeli officials will face criminal charges, he insists that filing the suit is a moral duty to give a voice to victims who cannot pursue legal recourse themselves.

Nick Candy, who serves as the honorary treasurer of Reform UK and is among its top financial backers, has completed the sale of his Chelsea residence for an estimated £275 million. The transaction, first reported by Bloomberg, is believed to set a new benchmark for residential sales in London and ranks among the world’s most valuable property deals. Known as Providence House, the Grade II‑listed estate sits within the grounds of the Royal Chelsea Hospital and features a private lake and swimming pool. The identity of the purchaser has not been disclosed. Land Registry records list the current owner as Providence House LLP, a partnership controlled by Candy, with his estranged wife, former pop star Holly Valance, also named as a partner. A mortgage charge from First Abu Dhabi Bank is registered against the title. Candy’s involvement with Reform extends beyond his treasurer role; he contributed roughly £1 million to the party last year and has been instrumental in high‑profile fundraising events, including a 2024 gathering for Donald Trump Jr. at the estate. He has previously been seen alongside Nigel Farage as the party promoted a “billionaires’ bonanza” scheme offering wealthy individuals a £250,000 fee for ten‑year residency and a special tax regime. Candy also attended a meeting between Farage and billionaire Elon Musk at Mar‑a‑Lago in December 2024. Alongside his brother Christian, Candy amassed his fortune through global property ventures. He continues to market other high‑value assets, including a £175 million penthouse at One Hyde Park and a Los Angeles mansion, while maintaining office space in Mayfair that also houses Farage’s company, Thorn in the Side. Originally purchased by Christian Candy in 2012, the Chelsea mansion was later transferred to Nick Candy, underscoring the family’s long‑standing presence in the UK’s luxury property market.

The Champions Cup’s single‑leg knockout stage has historically favoured hosts – only two of the 24 matches since the format’s introduction three years ago have seen the home side lose. This weekend’s fixtures threaten to upend that trend.Defending champions Bordeaux Bègles have been quoted at 1‑100 odds to defeat a severely weakened Leicester Tigers on Sunday – a price more suited to a two‑horse race. The Tigers will be without key internationals Ollie Chessum, Joe Heyes and Nicky Smith, all ruled out for the match.Coach Geoff Parling has elected to rest his forward trio to preserve a top‑four finish in the domestic league, a decision that underscores the growing difficulty English clubs face in juggling league ambitions with European knockout demands.Parling’s dilemma echoes a similar scenario a year ago when Saracens rested their stars and suffered a crushing 72‑point defeat to Toulon. Alongside Saracens, Harlequins, Leicester and Sale collectively conceded 215 points and exited the competition without a whisper of a fight. Only Bath Rugby has managed to maintain sufficient squad depth to compete on both fronts.The competition’s structure is locked in until 2030, with a 2028 twist that will see the eight quarter‑finalists face seven Super Rugby Pacific teams and one Japanese side, aiming to crown a true world club champion every four years. Yet the packed calendar – culminating in the 2027 World Cup and the 2028 Six Nations – raises serious questions about player availability.“I just don’t know how you fit everything in,” Parling admitted. “The game is very physical now. We all want the best versus the best, but it is what it is.”Knockout success now demands back‑to‑back weekend victories. For example, if Northampton Saints overcome Castres on Friday night, they will face a fully‑strengthened Bath the following week, unless Saracens can engineer a dramatic turnaround after their recent 62‑15 Premiership loss at the Rec.Other clubs face similar uphill battles: Harlequins could earn a Dublin trip after beating Sale, only to recall their heavy 62‑0 defeat to Leinster in April; Bristol might pull off a miracle in Toulouse but would likely meet Bordeaux in the last eight.South African provinces are gathering momentum, with the Stormers and Bulls arguably better placed to silence home crowds in Glasgow and Toulon than earlier in the season. Stormers coach John Dobson quipped, “What will it take us to win? Venus to align with Uranus and Saturn.”Meanwhile, Glasgow Warriors have become notoriously difficult to beat at Scotstoun. If any of the traditional powerhouses – Northampton, Bath, Toulon, Glasgow, Toulouse, Harlequins, Bordeaux or Leinster – fail to reach the quarter‑finals, their conquerors will have defied the odds.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.