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A federal judge has temporarily blocked President Donald Trump's $400m White House ballroom project, ruling that it requires congressional approval. The decision comes after the National Trust for Historic Preservation sued Trump, alleging he exceeded his authority by demolishing the historic East Wing and starting construction on the new building.District Judge Richard Leon granted a preliminary injunction, stating that no statute gives the President the authority to undertake the project without congressional approval. Leon, appointed by former President George W. Bush, emphasized that the President is the steward of the White House for future generations, not its owner.The ruling halts construction on the 90,000 square-foot ballroom project while the lawsuit continues. However, Leon allowed for construction necessary for safety and security to proceed. The judge has given the Trump administration 14 days to appeal, which the Justice Department has done.Carol Quillen, president and CEO of the National Trust, welcomed the ruling, calling it a win for the American people. In response, Trump called the National Trust left-wing 'lunatics' and claimed his ballroom project is under budget, ahead of schedule, and will be the finest building of its kind anywhere in the world.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) earned a spot at the 2026 FIFA World Cup after a tense intercontinental playoff final against Jamaica ended 1‑0 in extra time.The match‑winner came from former Manchester United defender Axel Tuanzebe, who now plays for Burnley in the English Premier League. He headed the ball home from a corner in the 100th minute, and after a brief VAR check for a possible handball, the goal was confirmed.Tuanzebe reflected on the moment, saying, “We made it very difficult for ourselves, perhaps the occasion got the better of us. To score the winning goal for your country… this is what every player dreams of.” He added, “I am so proud of what I could do for the country, I’m so proud of the country, and now it is time to celebrate.”The DRC dominated the fast‑flowing encounter despite the scarcity of clear‑cut chances, and the victory ensures that ten African teams will line up for the 2026 tournament – the highest representation ever.Having previously defeated Nigeria in the CAF playoff, the DRC entered the intercontinental stage directly into the final due to their higher ranking. Jamaica reached this stage by beating New Caledonia.This will be only the second World Cup appearance for the DRC, the first being in 1974 when the nation competed as Zaire. Jamaica’s sole previous appearance came in 1998 in France.In the upcoming group stage, the DRC will join Portugal, Colombia and Uzbekistan, opening the tournament against Portugal.The final intercontinental slot remains undecided, with a clash between Iraq and Bolivia scheduled for later on Tuesday.

Donald Trump announced over the weekend that he wants to "take the oil in Iran" by seizing control of Kharg Island, the strategic outpost through which roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports flow. Experts say the remark underscores a blatant disregard for international law and exemplifies what they term “fossil‑fuel imperialism.” Patrick Bigger, co‑director of the Transition Security Project, described the approach as a "might‑makes‑right" logic that is both "abhorrent and spectacularly miscalculated." Trump is slated to give an update on the Iran‑U.S. conflict on Wednesday. He previously claimed the war could end within weeks, a statement that sent the stock market soaring on expectations of de‑escalation. Iran, however, has insisted it needs guarantees against future attacks before halting its counter‑offensive. The fighting continues, highlighted by an Iranian strike on a fully loaded crude tanker in Dubai and threats to "blow up and completely obliterate" Iran’s energy infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened promptly. Kharg Island, a five‑mile strip that handles the bulk of Iran’s oil shipments, along with its power plants and oil wells, has been singled out by Trump. He told the Financial Times that U.S. forces should take over the island and the oil stored there. "My favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran," Trump said, adding that critics in the United States are "stupid people." Amir Handjani, an energy lawyer at the Quincy Institute, warned that the statement "completely discredited" the war’s stated objectives and revealed a classic play for natural resources. Handjani noted that Trump’s desire to seize Iranian oil is not new; he voiced similar ambitions in a 1988 interview while promoting The Art of the Deal, saying he would "do a number on Kharg Island" if elected. The former president has also floated comparable ideas for Iraq, Syria and Venezuela, suggesting the United States could appropriate their oil to offset war costs or bolster strategic reserves. Handjani emphasized that international law provides no framework for waging war to capture sovereign nations' natural resources. From a military perspective, taking Kharg Island would be extremely challenging. Iranian missile defenses have rendered regional U.S. bases inoperable, meaning any assault would likely require a parachute insertion of Marines into heavy fire, with the risk of massive Iranian retaliation. Handjani warned that such retaliation could target oil export terminals across the Persian Gulf, potentially driving crude prices to $200‑$300 per barrel and destabilising the global economy. The conflict has already caused the largest-ever disruption to global energy supplies, killing thousands and sparking sharp fuel‑price shocks. While consumers bear the brunt, major fossil‑fuel companies are enjoying windfall profits. Bigger noted that higher oil prices benefit oil majors and are being used as a pretext to expand U.S. drilling, further entrenching reliance on carbon‑intensive fuels. According to Bigger, Trump’s rhetoric reveals a belief that "fossil fuels are a linchpin of his domestic industrial strategy," and that controlling oil equates to controlling global power. He argues that this mindset threatens the international order and hampers the transition to cleaner energy.

As Easter approaches, concert halls from London to Leipzig are flooded with performances of Johann Sebastian Bach’s masterpieces, most notably the St Matthew Passion and the St John Passion. Chart data from the Official Classical Chart, Apple Music’s classical rankings and specialist listings show Bach out‑performing every other composer, with releases such as Yunchan Lim’s take on the Goldberg Variations and Raphaël Pichon’s recording of the St John Passion leading the pack.Two vivid descriptors have captured the public’s imagination this week: “Bach the zombie” and “Bach the meat‑grinder.”strong> Violinist James Ehnes coined the former to highlight the music’s ability to survive any arrangement or re‑imagining, while Guardian critic Clive Paget used the latter to describe the relentless, visceral intensity of the opening chorus in Pichon’s St John Passion recording.The “meat‑grinder” metaphor points to Bach’s obsessive repetitions and searing harmonies that convey the raw agony of the Passion narrative. In contrast, the “zombie” image underscores the composer’s uncanny durability: his works thrive whether rendered for saxophone quartet, Wendy Carlos’s synthesizers, Leopold Stokowski’s lush orchestration, or even a mandolin played in a New York park.Bach’s presence on the silver screen further illustrates his cultural elasticity. His slow, stately rendition of the final chorus of the St Matthew Passion underscored Pier Paolo Pasolini’s 1964 film The Gospel According to St Matthew, while the haunting aria from the Goldberg Variations was famously chosen by Hannibal Lecter in The Silence of the Lambs as he prepares a gruesome act. These examples show how Bach can serve as both spiritual solace and chilling inspiration.Modern performers continue to reinvent the canon. Pianist Víkingur Ólafsson, who logged more than ninety performances of the Goldberg Variations in a single year, describes each rendition as a “religious pilgrimage” that reshapes the listener’s experience. Meanwhile, mandolin virtuoso Chris Thile released a second volume of Bach’s Sonatas and Partitas performed on his instrument in Tompkins Square Park. The recording captures ambient city sounds—birds, footsteps, fellow buskers—blending them with Bach’s intricate C‑major fugue to create what Thile calls “the effortless fugue of city life.”These diverse reinterpretations confirm a simple truth: Bach’s music is indestructible. Whether heard in a grand cathedral, a streaming playlist, or a bustling park, his compositions adapt without losing their core emotional impact. This Easter, listeners are invited to embrace Bach not as a relic confined to history, but as a living, breathing force that continues to energise and inspire across genres and generations.

The recent waiving of Jaden Ivey by the Chicago Bulls following his anti-LGBTQ+ and religiously charged comments on social media was presented as a response to 'conduct detrimental to the team.' However, this situation exposes a more nuanced reality about player expendability and the league's priorities.On the surface, it appears to be a straightforward case of a player making controversial statements and facing consequences. Yet, there's an alternative scenario where Ivey, with the help of his publicist, issues a swift apology, participates in inclusion education, and possibly pays a fine or makes a donation. In this scenario, he could have potentially continued his career in the NBA, a league that has been pro-LGBTQ+ for over a decade.Ivey's comments revealed his beliefs, and the subsequent actions of the Bulls shed light on how NBA teams decide which voices to protect and which to discard. The situation raises questions about the league's commitment to inclusion and how it handles controversial player behavior.As a former NFL player, the author notes that locker room discussions often avoid sensitive topics like queer acceptance and religious beliefs. However, when such topics are broached, they usually involve players sharing how their faith has positively impacted their lives. The author suggests that Ivey's comments were not surprising and might have been shared by some of his teammates.The key difference in Ivey's case was that his comments were made outside the locker room, making them public and subject to scrutiny. The author recalls instances of ignorant comments in locker rooms but notes that peer conversations and diverse perspectives can lead to growth and learning.The swift release of Ivey was likely due to his lack of star power and a career marked by injuries and unremarkable performances. In contrast, superstars like Anthony Edwards, Rajon Rondo, and the late Kobe Bryant faced fewer consequences for similar behavior, with the league giving them time to apologize and make amends.The NBA's response to Ivey's comments does not necessarily indicate a solution to homophobia in locker rooms. Instead, it shows that teams know how to react when a player's behavior becomes visible and when that player is expendable enough to be made an example of. The culture within locker rooms won't shift simply because one voice is removed, especially when the underlying beliefs are not isolated.Ultimately, the NBA manages tensions rather than eliminating them. The gap between public statements and private actions will continue to exist, and incidents like Ivey's will keep surfacing in new ways until this gap closes.

The MCC has rejected a proposal to rescue Middlesex Cricket Club, which is struggling with financial and governance issues. Middlesex, a long-term tenant at Lord's, has been facing a crisis, prompting a group of distinguished former players, led by former England captain Mike Gatting, to call on chairman Richard Sykes to stand down.The MCC, with annual revenues of around £70m, has been mooted as a potential solution to Middlesex's problems, but it will not happen under their current leadership. While the MCC remains committed to extending Middlesex's lease at Lord's and will provide further help where possible, there are no plans to offer direct financial assistance or become more involved in the running of the club.Middlesex's financial problems are compounded by the fact that they cannot access the £24m they are theoretically owed from the ECB's part-sale of the eight Hundred franchises. The ECB insists that the counties can only use the £500m windfall to clear debt or for major infrastructure projects. Middlesex are exploring taking the club into private ownership, but the process of demutualisation would require a 75% majority vote from a turnout of at least 50% of their membership.The club starts the season against Gloucestershire on Friday in the second division of the County Championship for the third successive year, the eighth out of the last nine years they have spent in the second tier.

Jermain Defoe has been appointed as the new manager of Woking FC, a club that has never made it to the Football League in its 139-year history. On his first day, Defoe expressed his gratitude for the opportunity, stating, “It’s been a long time coming.” He emphasized the importance of 'earning his stripes' as a manager, a lesson he learned from his mother.Defoe, who had a 23-year playing career and won 57 England caps, has previously worked with Steven Gerrard at Rangers and spent time in the Tottenham academy. He turned down his former team Tottenham to take over at Woking, joking about the opportunity.The new Woking manager is only the fifth black manager or head coach working in English football’s top five divisions. “I’d like to think going forward that other black managers will get [opportunities], too,” he said, highlighting the challenges faced by black managers in the sport.Defoe's assistant, Paul Bracewell, brings vast experience to the team, having worked with Defoe at Sunderland and Tottenham. The target for next season is promotion, and Defoe plans to draw on the experience of former managers like Sam Allardyce and Harry Redknapp.Reflecting on his journey, Defoe said, “My mum knows that this is something that I’ve waited a long time for so she has said I have to make sure that I enjoy it.” He emphasized the importance of having supportive influences in his life, particularly his mother, who has been a constant source of guidance throughout his career.

Italy’s national team endured a 4‑1 penalty‑shootout defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the World Cup 2026 qualifying playoff, confirming a third consecutive failure to reach the finals. The loss, described by Italian media as a “World Cup curse” and a “Third apocalypse,” has reverberated far beyond the stadium. Valentino del Duca, a restaurant worker in Rome, summed up the mood: “We are a population of failures. End of story.” His sentiment echoed across the capital, where fans like Gabriele Alfano lamented the missed opportunity after a hopeful win over Northern Ireland the week before. Alfano pointed to a deeper issue: “Italian football is no longer producing young talent. I remember streets full of kids playing ball; now they’re more into tennis,” he said, referencing Jannik Sinner’s recent Miami Masters triumph. The sporting disaster quickly became a political flashpoint. The League party, part of Giorgia Meloni’s governing coalition, called the outcome “an unacceptable disgrace” and demanded the resignation of federation president Gabriele Gravina. Former prime minister Matteo Renzi added that the repeated eliminations signal a systemic failure, noting that football is “part of our culture and national identity.” Long‑time resident Gustavo Sosa, originally from Argentina, observed that Italy’s loss of composure after being reduced to ten men highlighted a loss of “rigour” and “hunger” that mirrors concerns in his native country. Sports minister Andrea Abodi warned that the sport must be “rebuilt,” expressing sorrow for a generation of children who may never experience a World Cup. Some Italians, like Lucia Severi, suggested shifting attention to other disciplines, citing the country’s success in tennis and athletics. The defeat starkly contrasts with the euphoria of July 2021, when Italy won the Euro 2020 final on penalties—a moment once seen as a reversal of fortunes after missing the 2018 World Cup. Yet that optimism proved fleeting, as the Azzurri also failed to qualify for the 2022 tournament. As the nation grapples with this latest setback, the debate intensifies over how to revive Italian football, nurture grassroots participation, and restore the pride once associated with the Azzurri’s international successes.

In a recent interview published by the Free Press, former UK prime minister Tony Blair asserted that the British left has entered an “unholy alliance” with Islamist groups, framing criticism of Israel’s Gaza operations as a new form of anti‑semitism. He further praised former President Donald Trump’s proposed plan for Gaza, describing it as “bold and intelligent.”The commentary arrives amid a sharp decline in British public support for Israel. A YouGov poll found that only 12 % of respondents back Israel’s actions in Gaza, while a clear majority favor measures such as an arms embargo, sanctions, and even the prosecution of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes.Blair’s allegation that the left “casts the Jewish community as supporters of the Israeli government” is challenged by evidence of a broader shift in public sentiment. The Greens, now a leading force on the English left, oppose the Gaza offensive and reject Islamophobia, yet they are led by a Jewish gay politician and champion a socially progressive agenda that includes LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality—hardly the hallmarks of “Islamism.”Data on American Jewry is also invoked. While 71 % of Jewish Americans voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, a separate poll indicated that 40 % of Jewish respondents believe Israel’s military actions amount to genocide, a figure rising to half among those under 35. These figures illustrate that criticism of Israel does not automatically equate to anti‑semitic sentiment.The piece also revisits Blair’s own controversial foreign‑policy record. His government approved extensive arms sales to Saudi Arabia and shut down investigations into those deals, while his post‑premiership institute continued to receive substantial Saudi funding even after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Moreover, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, led by Blair, is widely regarded as having provided a recruitment boost to Islamist extremist groups.Critics argue that Blair’s narrative is a strategic attempt to deflect growing Western criticism of Israel by painting opponents as extremist sympathizers. The term “Islamo‑gauchisme,” used in France to describe similar accusations, exemplifies a broader pattern of demonising Muslim participation in democratic politics.In sum, the article contends that Blair’s claim lacks substantive evidence, overlooks prevailing public opinion, and mirrors past tactics of smearing dissenting voices. As the debate over Israel’s conduct in Gaza intensifies, the left’s opposition appears rooted in humanitarian concerns rather than any covert Islamist agenda.