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‘Your Friends & Neighbours’ returns for a second season that doubles down on its deliciously dark satire of the ultra‑rich enclave of Westport, New York – a thinly veiled stand‑in for Westchester’s high‑finance playground. The series remains a “rich dessert” of a show: indulgent, a little unhealthy, but undeniably moreish.Jon Hamm reprises Andrew “Coop” Cooper, a former Manhattan hedge‑fund star who now survives by burgling the opulent homes of his equally extravagant neighbours. Coop’s charisma is built on a blend of oak‑like steadiness and a perpetual tumbler of $500 whisky, allowing him to charm both victims and collaborators. Unlike Don Draper’s secret shame, Coop’s anxiety is a quieter, more comedic driver that fuels the season’s caper.Season two opens with Coop, now approaching fifty, injuring his back while rifling a mansion’s study. The mishap forces him to rely on his longtime lookout Elena (Aimee Carrero) and brings a new, reluctant ally into the fold. Meanwhile, the arrival of the flamboyant billionaire Owen (James Marsden) rattles the delicate Westport ecosystem, adding fresh tension to the criminal enterprise.The narrative also shifts focus to the personal toll of wealth. Coop’s ex‑wife Mel (Amanda Peet) navigates perimenopause and the looming emptiness of her children leaving for college, while their daughter Tori (Isabel Gravitt) deliberately flunks a Princeton interview, railing against the university as a “engine of rigged, corrosive capitalism.” This scene underscores the show’s satirical edge, reminding viewers that the glittering excess is built on fragile foundations.Despite its glossy façade, the series offers unexpected emotional depth. Hamm and Peet convey a wistful sadness that resonates beyond the bank‑balance zeros, suggesting that middle‑aged ex‑lovers remain bound by past mistakes. The season balances heist thrills with moments of genuine heart, positioning the show as a guilty‑pleasure dramedy that “gets away with it.”Your Friends & Neighbours is currently streaming on Apple TV+.

Rising fortunes among the ultra‑rich under the Trump administration have ignited a wave of tax‑reform campaigns across the United States. In California, volunteers like Karen Sanchez are gathering signatures for a one‑time 5% wealth tax targeting the state’s 200‑plus billionaires to offset federal cuts to hospitals, education and food‑assistance programs.At least ten states are exploring similar measures. Washington recently enacted its first income‑tax aimed at roughly 20,000 millionaire households, while Massachusetts and Minnesota already channel wealth‑tax proceeds into preschool, K‑12 meals and transportation infrastructure.On the federal front, Senators Bernie Sanders and Representative Ro Khanna have introduced the “Make Billionaires Pay Their Fair Share Act,” proposing an annual 5% levy on billionaire net worth. Khanna argues that the ultra‑wealthy fund private health insurers, defense contractors and political campaigns, creating a stark fairness gap.Data from Oxfam shows that in the twelve months after Trump’s re‑election, billionaire fortunes grew at a rate three times faster than the average annual growth of the previous five years. Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 for fifteen years, underscoring the widening economic divide.A Data for Progress poll released last fall found that 70% of Americans believe the economic system favours corporations and the wealthy. “People are angry and want change,” says Amy Hanauer of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), noting that activists are leveraging every level of government to seek relief.The movement draws on a two‑decade history of class‑based activism, from the Occupy Wall Street protests to Senator Sanders’ 2016 campaign that foregrounded wealth‑tax proposals. Yet inequality has deepened: CEOs of the five largest U.S. firms now earn, on average, **$52 million** annually—over a thousand times the typical worker’s salary.Political spending by billionaires has also exploded. A recent New York Times analysis reveals that billionaire contributions rose from **0.3% of campaign funds in 2008** to **19% in 2024**, amounting to more than **$3 billion** from roughly 300 ultra‑rich donors, many of whom supported candidates opposing wealth taxes, including former President Donald Trump.The war in Iran has further inflamed resentment, with the United States spending **$11.3 billion** in the first week of bombardment—far exceeding the annual budgets of agencies such as the CDC, EPA and the National Cancer Institute.Local victories are feeding the momentum. New York City’s mayoral race saw Zohran Mamdani win on a platform that includes taxing the rich to fund affordable housing, groceries and transit. Councilmember Chi Ossé led a 1,500‑person march to the state capitol, urging Governor Kathy Hochul to permit a city‑level millionaire tax, a move that now has backing from some state Democrats.Beyond New York, states like Rhode Island, Hawaii, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Illinois and New Mexico are debating various wealth‑tax mechanisms, including the popular “mansion tax” on high‑value home sales. Currently, **17 localities** have adopted such taxes, most passed between 2018 and 2023.California’s gubernatorial race has become a flashpoint. Billionaire‑backed candidates Matt Mahan and Tom Steyer are vying to replace Governor Gavin Newsom, with the tech elite—such as Sergey Brin and Joe Lonsdale—pouring money into campaigns opposing the billionaire tax. Of the 30 billionaires who have contributed to the race, **25 supported Mahan**, who has positioned himself as a staunch anti‑tax candidate.For Sanchez, the stakes are personal. The proposed tax seeks to replace **$100 billion** in federal health‑care funding cut by Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which threatens hospital closures and layoffs in the nation’s fourth‑largest economy. She aims to collect **875,000 signatures** by late June to secure the initiative on the November ballot.“It’s creating a network of groups all working toward a common good,” Sanchez says, reflecting a broader sentiment that collective action could finally translate the public’s demand for fiscal fairness into concrete policy.

When a loved one passes away while a care home still holds prepaid weeks, many families are told that the provider’s "policy" does not allow refunds. In one recent case, a family challenged this stance, discovered that the contract actually obligated the home to return the unused fees, and successfully secured a refund. The experience underscores a wider issue: care‑home operators often withhold money from bereaved families, banking on their grief and lack of legal knowledge. The author, forewarned by similar reports, enlisted a family lawyer who identified the contractual breach and drafted a decisive email that compelled the provider to comply. Importantly, the complaint was not about the quality of care. The writer notes a clear separation between the compassionate on‑site staff and the profit‑focused head office, suggesting that the latter may deliberately adopt a “no‑refund” stance as a revenue‑preserving tactic. Historically, the practice traces back to the privatisation of care homes under Margaret Thatcher. The original promise was that market competition would increase choice for residents while lowering public spending. In reality, the economics of private care demand near‑full occupancy to stay profitable, forcing operators to raise prices when referrals dip. This creates a paradox: the need for vacant beds to offer choice clashes with the profit motive to maximise occupancy, ultimately undermining the policy’s goals. For families navigating this landscape, the lesson is clear: scrutinise contracts and seek legal advice before accepting a provider’s blanket “no‑refund” policy. A vigilant approach can turn a potentially lost sum into a reclaimed right, and may pressure care‑home chains to rethink opaque refund practices.

According to a new United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) briefing, the global food commodity price index climbed 2.4% in March, marking the second straight monthly increase and the first rise in five months for the broader basket of grains, meat, dairy, vegetable oils and sugar.The surge is largely attributed to the escalating conflict in the Middle East, which has pushed up energy prices and freight rates worldwide. The report highlighted that vegetable oil prices jumped 5% and sugar rose 7% during the month.Analysts warn that the war could trigger a broader wave of food inflation, as higher fuel, fertiliser and electricity costs increase the expense of transporting, processing and cooking food. About one‑third of global fertiliser production passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a key shipping lane that has been effectively closed since hostilities began.UN projections suggest that, if the crisis endures, global food prices could be 15%–20% higher in the first half of 2026 than pre‑conflict levels. The FAO noted that “price indices across all commodity groups rose to varying degrees, reflecting both market fundamentals and responses to higher energy prices linked to the conflict escalation in the Near East.”Specific commodity trends showed global wheat prices up 4.3% in March, driven by deteriorating crop conditions and drought concerns in the United States, as well as reduced planting in Australia due to soaring fertiliser costs. Better weather in Europe and strong export competition provided some offset.In the United Kingdom, the Food and Drink Federation – representing 12,000 manufacturers – now forecasts a **minimum 9% rise in food prices by the end of 2026**, a sharp increase from the 3.2% forecast made before the Middle East conflict. This outlook assumes the Strait of Hormuz reopens within weeks and that major energy facilities return to normal within a year – both uncertain outcomes.British producers are already feeling the pressure. The British Tomato Growers’ Association warned that consumers could see higher prices for tomatoes, peppers and cucumbers within six weeks as gas‑heated glasshouses become more expensive to run.Chancellor Rachel Reeves recently met with leaders of major retailers—including Tesco, Sainsbury’s, Morrisons, Marks & Spencer, Aldi and Lidl—to discuss measures that could ease the cost‑of‑living squeeze and strengthen supply chains.Nevertheless, a Bank of England survey of over 2,000 chief financial officers revealed that firms expect to raise their prices by an average of 3.7% over the next year, up from 3.4% in February. Expectations for overall economy‑wide inflation also rose from 3% to 3.5%.

The UK’s premier AI research centre, the Alan Turing Institute, has been instructed by its chief public funder, UK Research and Innovation (UKRI), to implement significant organisational changes. The directive follows a UKRI review that found the institute’s strategic alignment and value for money "not yet satisfactory".UKRI, which granted the institute a £100 million, five‑year funding package in 2024 and remains its largest single source of finance, said the review highlighted strong scientific foundations but a lack of clear strategic focus and delivery.Last summer, the government signalled that the institute must undergo a strategic overhaul, urging a shift toward defence and national security while downgrading work on health and the environment—previously two of its three core pillars.Leadership turbulence has accelerated the changes. Chief Executive Jean Innes resigned in September after staff unrest, and chair Doug Gurr stepped down this week to take up a permanent role at the UK competition watchdog.UKRI’s AI programme overseer, Prof. Charlotte Deane, stressed that achieving the UK’s AI ambitions requires institutions that are “focused, effective and aligned to national need.” She added that the review recognises the institute’s value but calls for significant change in several areas.To execute the recommendations, UKRI will work with the institute’s newly appointed chief executive, George Williamson, who comes from a government post centred on national security. The plan includes strengthening governance and placing defence and security at the core of the institute’s mission.The Alan Turing Institute collaborates with universities, private firms and government bodies, while UKRI invests £8 billion annually in UK research and innovation. A spokesperson for the institute acknowledged recent improvements in focus and governance but said it must move “faster and further.”“Working with funders and partners, we will be even more ambitious about the role we can play for the UK, and we welcome the confirmation of our clear, single‑purpose mission with national resilience, security and defence at its core,” the institute said.

Labour has challenged Nigel Farage over the cost of his private jet trip to the Maldives, questioning his claim that it cost as little as £25,000. Farage, the leader of Reform UK, initially recorded the two-day trip as costing £12,500, funded by Thailand-based Reform megadonor Christopher Harborne, before later upgrading the cost to £25,000. The Labour Party's chair, Anna Turley, wrote to Farage arguing that chartering a private jet of a similar size would cost many times more than the sum declared. According to publicly available flight logs, the 11,000-mile round trip lasted just over 23 hours, using a model of plane that is currently advertised on multiple private jet websites as costing at least $11,500 (£8,500) per hour to charter. Turley highlighted that the plane's ownership is linked to Harborne, who has given the party more than £12m. She asked Farage to clarify how he valued the cost of the flight, which did not end in him reaching the Chagos Islands, as he did not have permission. Farage has described the visit as a "humanitarian mission", saying he undertook the trip to highlight the plight of the Chagossians, whose families were removed from the islands in the 1960s and are seeking to return. The trip has sparked controversy over the valuation of the private jet donation and Farage's attempts to reach the Chagos Islands, which are subject to a UK government decision to hand sovereignty to Mauritius.

The 12‑member National Capital Planning Commission, the agency that reviews construction on federal sites in Washington, D.C., voted on Thursday to approve President Donald Trump’s proposal for a massive ballroom at the White House. The project envisions a 90,000‑square‑foot (8,400‑square‑metre) space on the site of the East Wing, which Trump ordered demolished in October. Commission chair Will Scharf, a former personal lawyer to the president, said the ballroom could eventually be regarded as a "national treasure" comparable to other iconic White House components. However, the approval comes at a time when a U.S. District Judge has blocked further work pending explicit congressional authorization. Judge Richard Leon warned that while the president is the steward of the White House for future First Families, he is not its owner, emphasizing that major construction projects require legislative consent. Trump responded on social media, insisting the ballroom is funded by private donations and that past White House projects never needed congressional approval. Financially, the ballroom’s estimated cost has ballooned to roughly $400 million, double the $200 million figure cited by the White House in July 2025. Trump has pledged to complete the venue before the end of his term in early 2029, relying on contributions from wealthy donors—a point critics argue could create undue influence over the administration. Public sentiment appears overwhelmingly negative. Democracy advocate Jon Golinger of Public Citizen remarked, "The American people have weighed in on this project, and they hate it." The commission’s vote was delayed from March after a surge of public comments, the majority of which opposed the construction. Despite the commission’s endorsement, the ballroom’s future remains uncertain. The judge’s ruling underscores that without a congressional green light, the project cannot legally move forward, setting the stage for a continued clash between the White House, lawmakers, and the public over the use of the nation’s most symbolic residence.

Japan and Australia, the finalists of the Women's Asian Cup, have renewed calls for equal prize money with the men's tournament, directly challenging the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). The governing body has been accused of 'ignoring' previous requests.The Women's Asian Cup concluded with a historic final match between Japan and Australia, with Japan winning 1-0 in Sydney on March 21 before a record crowd of over 74,000 fans. The tournament itself made global headlines after seven members of the Iran squad sought asylum in Australia, citing 'traitor' labels at home for refusing to sing the national anthem.The $1.8m prize fund for the Women's Asian Cup is the same as in 2022, but significantly lower than the $14.8m on offer at the men's equivalent. A report by FIFPRO, the global footballers' union, indicated that the event could generate up to $82.4m in revenue. A record 350,000 fans attended the tournament during its three-week duration.In a joint statement released by FIFPRO, the Japan and Australia teams emphasized that despite the tournament's success, it remains the lowest-paying continental tournament in the world. They highlighted the significant inequality between the men's and women's game and called for equal prize money, which they believe would be 'transformational' for players and football communities across Asia.The statement also addressed the challenges faced by teams during the tournament, including the plight of the Iranian team and issues with equipment for India's players. The teams expect FIFA to honour its pledge of equal prize money for the 2027 FIFA Women's World Cup and will continue to fight for equality and respect for women players.In a related development, Japan sacked their coach, Nils Nielsen, just 12 days after their Asian Cup victory, citing his coaching style as 'lax' and 'lacking passion'.

The US government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will persist, despite the Senate passing a funding bill. The partial shutdown, which began on February 14, will continue until at least Monday, when the House of Representatives reconvenes.The stalemate centers on whether DHS should reform its immigration procedures, following criticism of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation push. Democrats have refused to pass funding to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) without reforms to their practices.The shutdown has had several knock-on effects, including airport delays and unpaid workers. DHS, which oversees the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), has seen its airport security agents go without pay for six weeks. With agents calling out sick or leaving their jobs, US airports have reported long lines and widespread travel delays.President Trump has endorsed a plan to fully fund DHS, which involves a two-track approach: passing a bill to fund the department, except for ICE and CBP, and then funding ICE and CBP through separate spending legislation. Trump has also vowed to pay 'all' DHS employees, although details on how this will be achieved are unclear.The shutdown has been politically unpopular, with unions and transportation safety groups criticizing the strain it has placed on workers and airport security. Democrats have sought to leverage the funding bill to press for changes to Trump’s immigration policy, while Republicans have accused them of putting Americans' livelihoods in jeopardy for political gains.