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Emil Michael, the Pentagon's under secretary for research and engineering, declared a position in xAI valued between $500,000 and $1 million in March 2025. He sold these holdings on January 9 for between $5 million and $25 million, according to government ethics records. The value of his stake increased by 400% to 4,800% during the period he owned it. xAI, which is behind Musk's Grok chatbot, is not publicly traded, making it unclear how Michael obtained his position, how it was priced, or to whom he sold it. During Michael's ownership, the Pentagon announced two separate agreements with xAI. In July 2025, the Pentagon chose Grok as one of four commercial providers to help the department utilize artificial intelligence. On December 22, the defense department announced a new agreement with xAI, paving the way for the deployment of its advanced capabilities. Richard Painter, a former ethics lawyer at the White House, said that in general, it was a criminal violation for government officials to participate in actions that benefit their own financial interests. "It sounds pretty weird," he said of the transactions. The Pentagon stated that Michael was "in full compliance with all ethics laws and regulations. Any claims otherwise are false."

On a Wednesday night, Israel launched a massive air campaign against Lebanon that resulted in the deaths of over 300 civilians and struck more than 100 targets within ten minutes, including densely populated neighborhoods in central Beirut. The operation, described by Israeli officials as the largest strike against Hezbollah since the month‑long war with Iran began, has drawn sharp international condemnation. The Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, maintains that the attacks were narrowly aimed at Hezbollah operatives who allegedly relocated command posts to civilian districts such as the Dahieh suburb. Critics, however, argue that the scale and timing of the strikes suggest a broader political motive: to disrupt the US‑Iran ceasefire negotiated by former President Donald Trump, a deal many view as unfavorable to Netanyahu. Evidence fueling this theory includes the lack of any prior warning and the targeting of locations where high‑profile Hezbollah figures were present. Among the dead was Ali Yusuf Harshi, the nephew and personal adviser of Hezbollah secretary‑general Naim Qassem, leading some observers to speculate that the operation may have been a failed attempt to eliminate Qassem himself—mirroring Israel’s 2024 alleged assassination of former Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. Hezbollah officials later claimed they had been “notified of a ceasefire” and were committed to it from the morning of the attack, yet by Thursday both sides were again exchanging heavy fire. Netanyahu’s public justification for the strike—citing the killing of an aide to Qassem—appeared thin, reinforcing the perception that the operation was designed to act as a “spoiler” to a ceasefire he had previously opposed. Analysts at the Soufan Center in New York warned that, even if Lebanon is technically outside the ceasefire framework, the sheer magnitude of Israel’s assault will be viewed as escalatory. They argue the strikes serve a dual purpose: to widen the rift between Iran and its proxies and to retaliate against what Israel perceives as being sidelined in the ceasefire negotiations. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian condemned the attacks, stating they breach the ceasefire agreement and render ongoing talks meaningless. He warned of a possible Iranian response against Israel, underscoring the fragile nature of the diplomatic effort. Marion Messmer, director of the international security programme at Chatham House, highlighted a deeper strategic dilemma: the United States’ difficulty in managing its alliance with Israel amid the broader US‑Iran conflict. She noted that Israel’s insistence that its Lebanese operations are unrelated to the ceasefire reveals a “key vulnerability” in Washington’s ability to steer its regional partners, potentially trapping the US in a conflict it seeks to exit. Further complicating the picture, the Israeli Defense Forces reportedly assess that defeating Hezbollah remains unrealistic despite the intensified bombing campaign, suggesting that the current strategy may be more about political signaling than achieving decisive military objectives. In sum, the Israeli strike on Lebanon not only caused a tragic loss of civilian life but also raised serious questions about the durability of the US‑Iran ceasefire, the strategic calculations of Netanyahu’s government, and the broader stability of Middle‑East geopolitics.

Israeli airstrikes devastated Lebanon on Wednesday, killing more than 300 people and wounding 1,165 in a span of just 10 minutes. The strikes, which targeted over 100 sites across the country, have been described as one of the deadliest mass killings in Lebanon since the end of the civil war in 1990.Omar Rakha, a survivor, recounted his terrifying experience: he was bleeding and face down on the street when he realized a building next to his in Beirut's Barbour neighborhood had been destroyed by two Israeli bombs. The neighborhood, once considered safe, felt like a war zone.The Israeli military claimed it had targeted Hezbollah 'command and control centers' in the bombing campaign dubbed 'Operation Eternal Darkness.' However, residents and Lebanese officials argue that the strikes mainly killed civilians. Lebanon's prime minister, Nawaf Salam, accused Israel of targeting 'densely populated residential neighborhoods' and killing unarmed civilians in breach of international law.Dr. Ghassan Abu-Sittah, a surgeon at the American University of Beirut Medical College, described the overwhelming influx of wounded, including children pulled from under the rubble. 'The youngest was an 11-month-old. I had to operate on him just to relieve some pressure in the head,' he said.The airstrikes have escalated tensions and raised concerns about the potential for further conflict. The war in Lebanon, which started after Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel on March 2, has left around 1,800 people dead and 5,873 wounded.

Afika Bambaataa, the Bronx‑born architect of modern hip‑hop, passed away at age 67 in Philadelphia early Thursday morning, with officials citing complications from cancer as the cause of death. The Hip‑Hop Alliance, chaired by veteran rapper Kurtis Blow, released a statement honoring Bambaataa’s role as a founding figure of the culture. The group praised his creation of the Universal Zulu Nation, which promoted the movement’s core values of peace, unity, love and fun, while also acknowledging the complexity of his legacy in light of recent abuse allegations. During the 1980s, Bambaataa helped define the sound of hip‑hop, most notably with the 1982 electro‑funk anthem “Planet Rock”. The track, which sampled German pioneers Kraftwerk, positioned him at the forefront of a new musical frontier and led to collaborations with artists such as John Lydon, George Clinton and James Brown. Born Lance Taylor, he launched the Universal Zulu Nation in the late 1970s, drawing inspiration from DJ Kool Herc and the solidarity of South Africa’s Zulu people. This collective became a cultural hub that spread hip‑hop’s ethos worldwide. In the early 1980s Bambaataa also performed with the electronic group Ebn Ozn, further cementing his reputation as a bridge between American street culture and European synth‑pop. His work helped crystallize the electro‑funk genre that dominated clubs across the globe. His activist side emerged in 1985 when he joined Artists United Against Apartheid to produce the landmark protest single “Sun City.” The project featured a roster of high‑profile musicians—including Bob Dylan, Bono, Bruce Springsteen and Run‑DMC—united against South Africa’s apartheid regime. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s Bambaataa continued to record, culminating in his final album, “Dark Matter Moving at the Speed of Light” (2004). While his musical output waned, his influence on subsequent generations of artists remained unmistakable. However, Bambaataa’s later years were marred by serious accusations. In 2016, several Bronx men alleged sexual misconduct, which he publicly dismissed as “baseless and cowardly.” A former bodyguard later claimed to have witnessed inappropriate behavior involving teenage boys. The allegations resurfaced in May 2025 when an anonymous plaintiff filed a civil suit alleging four years of abuse beginning in 1992. Bambaataa failed to appear in court, resulting in a default judgment against him. As the hip‑hop community mourns a foundational artist, it also confronts the enduring debate over how to reconcile his cultural contributions with the serious allegations that have come to define the final chapter of his public life.

Tyson Fury is set to make a highly anticipated return to the boxing ring on Saturday night, facing off against Arslanbek Makhmudov at Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London. The Gypsy King, known for his bold claims and unorthodox style, has promised a destructive knockout to mark his comeback. “It’s going to be different because, for the first time in forever, I’m the hunter,” Fury declared at the fight’s final press conference. “I’m not the hunted, and we all know that when I’ve always been the hunter in the past, I’ve always fucked people up.” Fury, who announced his retirement from boxing in January 2025 but quickly reversed his decision, expressed his excitement about returning to the sport. He cited his long-term rival Anthony Joshua’s car crash in Nigeria as a defining moment that made him realize the importance of living in the present. Makhmudov, a formidable Russian opponent standing at 6 feet 7 inches and weighing 18 or 19 stone, seemed unfazed by Fury’s bold claims. “I’m happy and very excited to be here. I can’t wait for Saturday night,” he said. The Russian fighter from Dagestan added, “I don’t have pressure, because God prepared me for this moment all my life. I believe this is my time.” Fury, known for his bombastic delivery, also expressed sympathy for his opponent, stating, “I actually feel sorry for Makhmudov because I’m going to make an example of him. He’s a big lump, but I’ll knock his head right off his shoulders.”

The two‑child benefit cap, introduced in 2015 by Chancellor George Osborne as a fairness measure, has been widely criticised for penalising families rather than influencing birth rates. Eleven years on, evidence shows the policy did not reduce family size but instead increased hardship for the poorest households.Research estimates that the cap pushed 350,000 children into poverty and drove another 700,000 deeper into deprivation. The impact fell disproportionately on the most vulnerable universal‑credit claimants, with a notable over‑representation of Muslim and Jewish families. Affected children missed out on school uniforms, extracurricular activities, and even regular meals.On Monday, the government announced the cap’s removal – a move that analysts say could deliver the most significant reduction in child poverty seen in a single parliamentary term. Modelling suggests that by 2030 450,000 children could be lifted out of poverty, while roughly 480,000 families may see an annual boost of £4,100. Parents anticipate being able to avoid food banks, afford hot school meals, and prevent bullying linked to clothing.The reversal was not inevitable. Persistent campaigning by think‑tanks, charities, and a handful of rebellious Labour MPs – some of whom faced suspension for defying party whips – forced the issue onto the political agenda. Nevertheless, the editorial notes that an estimated four million children will remain in poverty without further systemic reforms, such as raising Universal Credit rates and increasing local housing allowances.Public opinion remains divided: a recent YouGov poll found that six in ten Britons previously supported keeping the cap, though support for removal rose when the policy was framed as giving every child a good start. The editorial warns that other parties, including Reform UK, have pledged to reinstate the limit, underscoring the need for Labour to consolidate this victory and push for broader anti‑poverty measures.

The latest Cannes lineup reveals a clear pivot from the usual Hollywood glamour toward a roster dominated by celebrated world‑cinema auteurs such as Pedro Almodóvar, Cristian Mungiu and Asghar Farhadi. While last year’s festival was anchored by a Mission: Impossible spectacle starring Tom Cruise, this edition offers a more eclectic mix, including debut features from Andy Garcia (who also stars in his crime drama Diamond) and John Travolta, who directs the aviation‑themed Propeller One‑Way Night Coach based on his own novel.Under the stewardship of director Thierry Frémaux, Cannes continues to bar films that are exclusive to streaming platforms, a stance that has been vindicated by recent Oscar successes for festival selections. The festival also entered the AI debate: Steven Soderbergh’s documentary John Lennon: The Last Interview employs artificial intelligence to reconstruct visual elements of the legendary interview, sparking both fascination and unease among attendees.Gender representation remains skewed, with a noticeable predominance of male directors in the competition slate, although the final list is still pending. Notably absent are any British filmmakers, despite the inclusion of Polish auteur Paweł Pawlikowski, whose biopic of Thomas Mann, Fatherland, could be loosely claimed as a UK entry given his long residence there.Geopolitical undercurrents are hard to ignore. Russian director Andrey Zvyagintsev returns with Minotaur, a film about a beleaguered Russian businessman. Zvyagintsev, once favored by Vladimir Putin, now lives in exile in France, adding a layer of political intrigue to his work amid the ongoing war in Ukraine.The competition also features a strong historical thread: László Nemes’s Moulin revisits occupied France, Emmanuel Marre’s Notre Salut explores Vichy‑era France, and Lukas Dhont’s Coward follows a Belgian soldier’s harrowing experience in World‑I trenches.Among the more provocative entries, Nicolas Winding Refn’s Her Private Hell promises shock value in the out‑of‑competition slot, while the Un Certain Regard section showcases Jane Schoenbrun’s queer slasher Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma, likely to become a festival highlight.

Renowned British perfumer Jo Malone has expressed her surprise and sadness after being sued for over £200,000 in damages by Estée Lauder Companies, the owner of her former perfume brand, Jo Malone London. The lawsuit claims that Malone infringed trademarks by using her name on fragrances she created for the fashion chain Zara.In 1999, Malone sold her perfume brand to Estée Lauder, a US-based multinational cosmetics group that owns brands such as M.A.C, Bobbi Brown, and Estée Lauder. As part of the agreement, Malone was prohibited from using her name for certain commercial activities, including marketing fragrances.Malone stepped down as creative director of Jo Malone London in 2006 and later regretted selling the rights to her name, calling it the “biggest mistake of my life.” In 2011, after a non-compete clause ended, Malone launched the Jo Loves brand. In 2019, Jo Loves collaborated with Zara on a line of eight fragrances, priced at £35.99 each.Estée Lauder took issue with the packaging of these fragrances, which clearly stated that they were created by Jo Malone CBE, founder of Jo Loves. The company claims that this use of Malone's name undermines the brand equity of Jo Malone London and is seeking damages of over £200,000.In response, Malone has defended her use of her name, stating, “My name is Jo Malone. I am the person, the fragrance creator, the entrepreneur, the cancer survivor, the person. I never expected to receive a high court claim with my name on it.” She emphasized that when Zara approached her, they did so as an individual, not as a company or brand.Malone added, “I sold a company, I did not sell myself.” She expressed her concerns about the implications of the lawsuit, asking, “Where do I go from here? Who can I be? I can’t stop being a person. Nobody can stop being the character and the person that you are.”

The son of a British couple detained in Tehran on espionage charges has called on Keir Starmer to prioritize their case in the “very opportune moment” of a ceasefire in the Iran conflict.Lindsay and Craig Foreman, from East Sussex, were arrested while on a five-day trip across Iran in January last year and have been held in Evin prison for 15 months.As Starmer visits the Gulf to discuss efforts to uphold the ceasefire, the couple’s family have called on the prime minister and the foreign secretary, Yvette Cooper, to raise the case in all diplomatic discussions.Lindsay’s son, Joe Bennett, said: “If peace is genuinely part of the agenda, then that has to include the release of innocent people. I don’t see how it can be peaceful and that’s the case.”The 31-year-old said it was a “very opportune moment” for the prime minister, and the government should “take courage” from the release this week of two French citizens. Cécile Kohler and Jacques Paris had been detained in Iran for almost four years on espionage charges and were also held in Evin prison before they were released but barred from leaving Tehran.“Macron was incredibly vocal, he was championing above all else, and I think that’s where we can take some courage and have a look at how do we apply that kind of pressure in the right way,” said Bennett. “There’s a genuine opportunity for resolution here.”The UK government has faced claims that it is in denial about the extent of hostage-taking by foreign states and has failed to fulfil its promise to appoint a special envoy to combat the issue.Bennett has been campaigning for the couple’s release with significant cross-party parliamentary support. Despite several meetings with the foreign secretary, and a hearing into their case held by the all-party parliamentary group on arbitrary detention and hostage affairs, he said there had been no visible progress in 15 months.On Thursday morning, Bennett spoke with his mother in Evin prison. The past 48 hours had been tumultuous, he said, after a supposed ceasefire was agreed on Tuesday, little more than an hour before a self-imposed deadline by Donald Trump, who had threatened Iran’s “whole civilisation” would die if it did not meet his demands.The comments made Bennett feel “pure fear” until news of the two-week ceasefire was announced. The potential for peace talks had given the couple some hope that “they’ll be fought for” by the UK government, he said.“Yvette Cooper called it unjustifiable and that she would be fighting relentlessly to get them home. I need to see signs of that,” said Bennett.Despite a UN legal submission, significant cross-party parliamentary support, and several meetings with the foreign secretary and a hearing into their case by UK parliamentarians from the APPG on arbitrary detention and hostage affairs, he said there has been no visible progress to date towards securing their release.A Foreign Office spokesperson said: “The UK government continues work to safely return Craig and Lindsay to the UK.”