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Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

Israeli and U.S. forces launched a series of air strikes on Tuesday that struck Tofigh Daru Research and Engineering Company, one of Tehran’s largest producers of anaesthetics and anti‑cancer medicines. The state‑run firm, owned by the Social Security Investment Company, saw its drug‑production line damaged, according to an official post on X. In the north‑western city of Zanjan, a separate strike hit the Husseiniya Azam, a Shia congregation hall adjacent to a mosque. Iranian Red Crescent teams rescued two people from the rubble; one of the victims died and several others were injured. Further attacks were reported in the western province of Kermanshah, where a civilian contracting company in Qasr‑e Shirin – a border town with Iraq – was hit. One person was killed and eight injured, the Mehr news agency said. Heavy bombing was also confirmed in Isfahan, a strategic hub for Iran’s defence industry and home to key nuclear facilities such as Natanz. Local officials indicated that the strikes may have targeted “military sites,” though the exact locations and damage assessments remain unclear. Iranian officials condemned the operations. Former foreign minister Javad Zarif denounced the targeting of the pharmaceutical plant as a deliberate attack on a medical facility, calling the aggressors “desperate” and accusing them of “diabolical delusions.” Governor‑level security official Akbar Salehi echoed these concerns, noting that the strikes appeared aimed at military installations without specifying which ones. The broader conflict has already claimed 1,937 Iranian lives since the joint U.S.–Israeli campaign began on 28 February, while 20 Israelis have been killed. Recent Israeli interceptions using the Iron Dome and David’s Sling systems have limited damage on Israeli soil, but impact sites were reported in Tel Aviv, Bnei Brak and Petah Tikva. Amid the escalating violence, diplomatic channels remain active. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Al Jazeera that communications between Washington and Tehran continue, primarily through intermediaries, and that the U.S. aims to achieve its war objectives “in weeks, not months.” Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth added that negotiations to end the conflict are “very real, ongoing and gaining strength.” Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed a retaliatory strike, saying it hit an Israeli container ship in the Gulf with a ballistic missile and that Iranian drones targeted a group of U.S. Marines near a UAE military base. Public sentiment in Iran has turned sharply hostile, with pro‑state demonstrations erupting in Tehran as citizens protest the continued air raids. The atmosphere, described by Al Jazeera’s Tohid Asadi as a “cloud of mistrust,” reflects growing frustration over diplomatic dead‑ends and the relentless cycle of attacks.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

The Strait of Hormuz, a vital passageway for nearly 20% of the world's oil supply, has become a focal point of geopolitical tensions. Any disruption in this waterway could have significant impacts on global energy markets. Three scenarios are emerging as possibilities for the Strait of Hormuz: 1. Increased Military Presence: An escalation in military presence from various nations could lead to a heightened sense of security but also risks accidental confrontations. 2. Diplomatic Efforts: Diplomatic channels could open up, aiming to de-escalate tensions through dialogue and negotiation, potentially leading to a more stable region. 3. Blockade or Closure: A blockade or closure of the strait could have severe economic consequences, including skyrocketing oil prices and disruptions to global supply chains. The situation in the Strait of Hormuz remains fluid, with global implications for energy security and international relations.

The question of whether a peaceful settlement is possible in Iran remains a pressing concern for the international community. Diplomatic efforts have been underway to find a resolution to the country's complex situation, but a lasting solution has yet to be achieved.The country's strategic location in the Middle East makes its stability crucial for regional and global security. However, Iran's nuclear program and its stance on various international issues have been major points of contention.Despite these challenges, there are ongoing efforts to engage in dialogue and find a peaceful resolution. The international community continues to seek a negotiated settlement that addresses the concerns of all parties involved.

Iran's foreign ministry has rejected demands for a ceasefire from the United States, escalating tensions in the region. The move comes as conflict continues to intensify in the Middle East. The Iranian government has not provided specific reasons for rejecting the ceasefire proposal, but the decision is seen as a significant development in the ongoing diplomatic efforts to broker peace.

President Donald Trump took to his Truth Social account on Tuesday to lambaste several European governments for declining to support the United States’ military campaign against Iran. He told nations struggling with fuel shortages to “go get your own oil” by force, a statement that immediately pushed global oil markets higher. European leaders pushed back. France barred Israeli aircraft carrying weapons from traversing French airspace, while Italy reportedly denied a last‑minute request for U.S. bombers to land in Sicily. Spain’s defence minister announced that Madrid would no longer tolerate “lectures” from any foreign power after refusing U.S. use of its bases and airspace. The United Kingdom, despite allowing U.S. forces to operate from its bases, faced a public rebuke from Trump, who singled out the UK for its inability to secure jet fuel through the Strait of Hormuz. U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth echoed the president’s hard‑line stance, suggesting that allied navies should be ready to intervene in the strategic waterway. Analysts warn that any attempt to seize the Strait of Hormuz by force would be highly risky and likely unrealistic. Nonetheless, the rhetoric has already contributed to a surge in fuel costs: U.S. gasoline prices have crossed the $4‑per‑gallon threshold for the first time in four years, and Brent crude slipped below $104 a barrel after Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian hinted at a possible de‑escalation. The conflict, now in its fourth week, has claimed more than 3,000 lives and triggered a worldwide economic shock. Irish Taoiseach Micheál Martin described the oil‑supply disruption as “probably the worst ever,” reflecting growing anxiety over inflation, stagnant growth, and a cost‑of‑living crisis that many nations are already grappling with. In a parallel diplomatic development, Pakistan and China unveiled a joint five‑part proposal aimed at ending hostilities and reopening the Strait of Hormuz, though it remains unclear how this aligns with recent U.S. diplomatic overtures through Islamabad. Meanwhile, the war’s regional dimensions have intensified. Israel announced plans to permanently occupy a swath of southern Lebanon up to the Litani River, a move that would cement its military presence well beyond the current confrontation with Hezbollah. Even the Vatican entered the fray. Pope Francis expressed hope that the fighting would cease by the upcoming Easter weekend, urging world leaders to find “ways to reduce the amount of violence.” His comments were widely interpreted as a subtle rebuke of the Trump administration’s aggressive posture. Overall, Trump’s incendiary remarks have highlighted a widening fissure between Washington and its traditional European partners, while the escalating oil price volatility underscores the broader economic ramifications of the Iran conflict.

Unilever’s latest strategic move pairs its food portfolio – home to brands such as Hellmann’s, Knorr and Marmite – with US condiment specialist McCormick in a deal valued at $44.8 bn. While the transaction will deliver $15.7 bn in cash to Unilever, the bulk of the consideration is equity‑based, giving Unilever shareholders a 55% stake in the enlarged McCormick and leaving Unilever itself with a modest 10% holding. The structure marks a departure from Unilever’s recent clean‑break divestitures, such as the outright sales of its Flora spreads and Lipton tea businesses and the spin‑off of its ice‑cream division (including Ben & Jerry’s) last year. Instead, investors now face a complex share‑exchange that ties their fortunes to a company that will assume significant debt to fund the acquisition. CEO Fernando Fernández framed the transaction as “another decisive step in sharpening our portfolio”, yet market reaction was swift: Unilever’s share price slid 7% on the announcement. The decline underscores investor scepticism that the merger will unlock genuine value. From a financial perspective, Unilever’s food arm contributes annual sales of $12 bn – outpacing McCormick’s $8 bn – and enjoys higher growth (2.7% vs 2%) and superior margins (24% vs 17%). These metrics suggest Unilever could have retained a more profitable segment rather than ceding control to a partner with weaker performance indicators. Critics argue that the combined entity will be a sprawling conglomerate of global powerhouses like Hellmann’s and Knorr alongside niche brands such as French’s mustard and Old Bay seasoning. The anticipated synergies, described by McCormick’s Brendan Foley as “maximal adjacency” and “end‑to‑end flavour experiences”, remain unproven, especially given the modest cash component and the dilution of Unilever’s ownership. Ultimately, the success of the merger hinges on whether the new food business can generate growth that justifies the equity swap and the added debt burden. For now, the market’s 7% share‑price dip reflects a cautious outlook on the promised “trapped value” that Unilever hopes to unlock.

Pakistan and China have jointly released a five-part proposal aimed at bringing peace to the Middle East, as the conflict between Iran and the US shows no signs of abating. The plan, which was agreed upon during a meeting between Pakistan's Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, calls for an immediate ceasefire and the protection of key waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz.The proposal is part of Pakistan's broader efforts to position itself as a peacemaker in the region, with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Army Chief Syed Asim Munir engaging in diplomatic communications with global leaders, including US President Donald Trump and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Islamabad has also hosted talks with foreign ministers from Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Egypt in an attempt to find a regional solution to the conflict.China, which has maintained a neutral stance in the conflict, has emphasized the importance of dialogue and diplomacy in resolving the crisis. The joint statement from Pakistan and China highlighted that dialogue and diplomacy are the only viable options to resolve conflicts, although there appears to be little substantive progress in bringing key participants to the negotiating table.Pakistan's push for peace is driven by both geopolitical and domestic concerns. The country shares a 560-mile land border with Iran and has significant stakes in ending the conflict, including economic concerns related to the blockade on fuel and gas through the Strait of Hormuz. Furthermore, Pakistan is home to the world's largest population of Shia Muslims outside Iran, and there are fears that the conflict could stir up sectarian tensions.Rafiullah Kakar, a Pakistani columnist and political analyst, noted that Islamabad seeks to reinforce its standing as a consequential middle power within the broader Muslim world and to signal continued geopolitical importance to external partners, particularly Washington and the Gulf states. However, with serious instability in Iran having direct implications for Pakistan's security, Islamabad is keen to avoid being dragged into the conflict.