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The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

The ongoing Iran ceasefire talks have hit a roadblock, with Hezbollah's role emerging as a significant sticking point. The militant group's involvement in the negotiations has raised concerns among various stakeholders, making it challenging to achieve a peaceful resolution.Hezbollah, a Shiite Islamist organization based in Lebanon, has been closely aligned with Iran, which has been a key player in the conflict. The group's presence in the talks has sparked fears that Iran's interests may not be fully addressed, potentially undermining the ceasefire.Efforts to broker a ceasefire have been ongoing, with multiple parties involved in the negotiations. However, the issue of Hezbollah's involvement has complicated matters, highlighting the complexities of the conflict and the need for a comprehensive solution.

The International Monetary Fund has cautioned that the US‑Israel war on Iran could ignite a new wave of global inflation, jeopardising the outlook for world growth even if the current cease‑fire endures. IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva announced on Thursday that the Fund will lower its growth projection for the global economy at next week’s IMF‑World Bank Spring Meetings, stating that the conflict has turned a potential upgrade into a growth downgrade. Earlier this year the IMF had lifted its forecast to 3.3 % growth for the 191‑member economies. That optimism evaporated after the war erupted on 28 February, driving up oil and natural‑gas prices, damaging energy infrastructure such as refineries and tanker terminals, and disrupting fertilizer shipments essential for global agriculture. Georgieva warned that the conflict is eroding business and consumer confidence and urged member nations to “get your house in order” as heightened defence spending adds further strain to the world economy. She also expressed confidence that the IMF will secure U.S. congressional approval this year for a 50 % increase in quota‑based lending resources, unlocking more of its roughly $1 trillion lending capacity. The United States, the Fund’s largest shareholder, would thereby provide crucial financial reassurance amid uncertain future developments. In a newly released report, the IMF estimated that countries directly involved in armed conflict typically see output fall by about 3 % at the outset, accumulating to roughly 7 % losses over five years. However, the study noted that economies like the United States may avoid severe economic damage because the fighting does not physically affect their own territory. Central banks are also on alert. Georgieva emphasized that “the central bank cannot afford to let inflation spiral out of control,” a statement that precedes the U.S. Federal Reserve’s two‑day policy meeting scheduled for 28–29 April, where interest‑rate decisions will be made amid political pressure from President Trump to lower rates. Other monetary authorities, including the Bank of Mexico, warned that the Middle‑East turmoil could push inflation higher in Latin America’s second‑largest economy, underscoring the broader spill‑over risks of the conflict.

Google and Intel announced an expanded multiyear agreement that will keep Google Cloud on Intel’s Xeon CPUs while accelerating joint development of custom infrastructure processing units (IPUs) designed for AI inference and data‑center workloads. Expanded Multiyear AI Infrastructure Deal Announcement date: 2026-04-09 Partnership originally launched in 2021 Focus on co‑development of ASIC‑based IPUs and continued use of Intel’s Xeon line Technical Scope and Processor Commitments The agreement specifies that Google Cloud will run Intel’s latest Xeon 6 chips for AI, cloud, and inference tasks, extending a decades‑long reliance on Xeon CPUs. Xeon 6 chips are positioned as the flagship CPU for AI workloads, complementing GPU accelerators. Custom IPUs will offload AI‑specific processing from general‑purpose CPUs, improving efficiency. Pricing details were not disclosed by Intel. Strategic Impact on the AI Compute Landscape Industry analysts note a pivot toward CPU‑centric architectures as the global AI boom strains GPU supply chains. By bolstering CPU and IPU capabilities, the partnership aims to deliver balanced systems that can scale AI workloads without relying solely on GPUs. Lip‑Bu Tan, Intel CEO, emphasized that “balanced systems” are essential for modern AI workloads. Recent CPU shortages have prompted rivals like Arm Holdings to launch their own AI‑focused CPUs (Arm AGI). The move may pressure other cloud providers to diversify beyond Nvidia‑centric stacks. Future Outlook for CPU‑Centric AI Architecture With the partnership deepening, both companies are likely to iterate on next‑generation Xeon processors and IPU designs, targeting higher throughput and lower power consumption. Expect further announcements on custom silicon roadmaps and potential joint reference designs for enterprise AI deployments. Short‑term: Expanded Xeon deployment across Google Cloud’s AI services. Mid‑term: Introduction of first‑generation custom IPUs in production workloads. Long‑term: A more heterogeneous compute stack where CPUs, IPUs, and GPUs coexist to meet diverse AI demands.

Event details: The heavyweight showdown between Tyson Fury and Arslanbek Makhmudov is scheduled for Saturday, 11 April 2026. The main card will tip‑off at 19:00 GMT, with the headline bout slated for just after 22:00 GMT at the Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London. The fight will be streamed live on Netflix, while Al Jazeera will provide a text‑based live commentary starting at 18:00 GMT. Fury, the 37‑year‑old former two‑time world champion, returns after a 15‑month hiatus following consecutive defeats to Oleksandr Usyk. His professional record stands at 34‑2‑1 with 24 knockouts, and he towers at 206 cm (6 ft 9 in) with a 216 cm reach. Makhmudov, a 36‑year‑old Dagestani‑born Canadian resident, holds a 21‑2‑0 record, 19 of those wins by KO, measures 198 cm (6 ft 6 in) and has a 194 cm reach. The bout is billed as a 12‑round heavyweight clash, offering Fury a chance to rebuild his résumé and potentially earn a high‑profile encounter with fellow Briton Anthony Joshua. Makhmudov, however, is far from a tune‑up opponent; 90 % of his victories have come by knockout, and he has demonstrated power against seasoned fighters such as Dave Allen and Carlos Takam. Fury’s perspective: In a recent BBC interview, the “Gypsy King” said he feels “as good as I’ve ever felt” and is “as sharp as I’ve ever been,” emphasizing the need to be at peak form to survive Makhmudov’s single‑punch knockout power. He added that a win would pave the way for a long‑desired showdown with Joshua. Makhmudov’s outlook: The Dagestani fighter described Fury as a “legend” and expressed confidence in his ability to win, noting that the contest will test both mental and spiritual strengths. He hinted at a philosophical edge, saying, “It’s a war between mind and spirit – Inshallah the spirit wins.” Beyond the headline fight, the co‑main event will feature Conor Benn versus Regis Prograis** at 21:30 GMT, marking Benn’s first bout under Zuffa Boxing after parting ways with Matchroom. The British heavyweight title will be defended by Jeamie Tshikeva against Richard Riakporhe**, while Frazer Clarke meets Justis Huni** in a heavyweight clash. Preliminary action includes middleweight, light‑welterweight and flyweight contests, rounding out a full card designed to keep fans engaged throughout the evening. Personal drama adds intrigue: Fury’s father, “Big John” Fury, who has been a vocal presence in his son’s career, is reportedly absent after a recent fallout, though Tyson downplays the impact, stating that the crowd’s composition is irrelevant to his focus. Overall, the London event promises a high‑stakes narrative – a veteran champion seeking redemption, a rising knockout artist eager to cement his status, and a potential pathway to a blockbuster British heavyweight showdown later in the year.

Tyson Fury, the 37-year-old British former heavyweight world champion, has come out of retirement for the fifth time in his career to face Canada-based Russian Arslanbek Makhmudov at the Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London on Saturday. Fury is looking beyond this weekend's fight, expressing his desire to face Anthony Joshua in a long-awaited bout if he emerges victorious.In a recent interview with BBC Radio, Fury stated, “I’ve got Arslanbek Makhmudov to think of on Saturday night, but all going well [Joshua is] the fight I want next.” He also mentioned that he is ready for the fight immediately after his comeback bout.Joshua, 36, recently secured a sixth-round knockout victory over American Jake Paul in Miami. However, his plans for the next fight are still uncertain following a car accident in Nigeria that resulted in the death of two close friends.Meanwhile, American former WBC world champion Deontay Wilder has also called out Joshua for a matchup after beating Briton Derek Chisora on a split decision last Saturday. Boxing promoter Eddie Hearn has advised Joshua to take time to heal before considering another fight.Fury, who last fought in December 2024, losing to Ukraine's Oleksandr Usyk, dismissed the idea of a Joshua versus Wilder fight, describing their recent bout as sad to watch.

The Al‑Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem reopened after a 40‑day closure imposed by Israeli authorities.Verified video footage released by Al Jazeera shows crowds streaming through the gates early Thursday, with approximately 3,000 worshippers attending the morning prayers.The ban had been total—or limited to a few dozen faithful—at Christian, Jewish and Muslim sites since the US‑Israeli war on Iran began on February 28. Israel frequently imposes restrictions, especially on Palestinian worshippers.The Islamic Waqf Department in occupied Jerusalem confirmed that the doors of Al‑Aqsa would be opened to all worshippers from dawn; the Jordanian‑affiliated authority managing the site offered no further details.Volunteers and caretakers were seen preparing courtyards and prayer areas to receive the faithful, while Israeli officials announced the simultaneous opening of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on Wednesday evening.Israeli police attributed the decision to “updated instructions from the Israeli Home Front Command” and highlighted a massive security deployment, with hundreds of police officers and border guards stationed throughout the Old City and surrounding roads to “secure visitors.”Jerusalem’s holy sites have endured strict security measures and repeated closures during the six‑week regional war, curtailing celebrations of Lent, Passover, Ramadan and, for the first time since Israel’s 1967 occupation, Eid al‑Fitr prayers at Al‑Aqsa.The lifting of the ban arrives just in time for Orthodox Christians, who observe Easter on Sunday, a week after Catholic and Protestant celebrations.Continued Raids in the Occupied West BankIsraeli forces continued operations across the occupied West Bank. In Nablus, a woman was detained and a man assaulted during an early‑morning raid, according to the Palestinian news agency Wafa.The Ramallah‑based Palestinian Health Ministry reported that Israeli forces fatally shot 28‑year‑old Alaa Khaled Mohammed Sbeih near the village of Tayasir on Wednesday night; the Israeli military said an off‑duty soldier fired at a stone‑thrower.Wafa added that six young men were detained in Tayasir, while troops stormed homes in Ya’bad, south of Jenin, destroying the contents of three houses. Additional raids hit the villages of Qusra and Awarta, though no arrests were reported there.The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimates that more than 1,100 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces and settlers in the West Bank since 2023, with at least 10,000 people forcibly displaced.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Eritrea's hopes of participating in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) have been thrown into doubt after seven local footballers disappeared in South Africa following their team's victory over Eswatini last month.The players were part of a 24-member squad that participated in the qualifying tie, with only 10 being locally-based players. Of these, only three returned to Eritrea, while the whereabouts of the other seven remain unknown.The incident occurred when the national team arrived in South Africa en route from Eswatini to Eritrea via Egypt. A Confederation of African Football (CAF) official told the AFP news agency that the disappearance is a mystery and that no one seems certain what happened to the players thereafter.Eritrea's coach, Hesham Yakan, had chosen 24 players, including 14 based abroad, for the two-leg preliminary qualifier against Eswatini. The team's victory over Eswatini proved a surprise success, considering they had not played an international match for six years.The disappearance of the players has raised concerns about the country's football future and the well-being of its players. Indefinite military service after completing schooling is cited as the main reason for the defections from the East African country.Eritrea has been governed by President Isaias Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, and human rights groups consistently describe his rule as “highly repressive”.The incident has also highlighted the dire situation in Eritrea, with George Ghebreslassie, an Eritrean exile, saying that “it shows the kind of situation we have in Eritrea. We thought things would change, but nothing has changed”.