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The Australian Greens are calling on the federal government to apply direct diplomatic and economic pressure on Israel to end its intensive air strikes on Lebanon, describing the conflict as a “disastrous, illegal, immoral war.” Party defence spokesperson David Shoebridge said Australia should join the growing list of nations demanding that southern Lebanon be part of the cease‑fire framework being negotiated between the United States and Iran. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Foreign Minister Penny Wong have already signalled that Lebanon must be included in any cease‑fire agreement, but Shoebridge argued that mere statements are insufficient. He told ABC Radio that “Penny Wong saying she’s gravely concerned will not stop the illegal bombing or the plan to turn southern Lebanon into a new Gaza.” Lebanese authorities report that the war, which began in April, has already claimed the lives of more than 1,700 civilians, with over 300 deaths recorded in a single 24‑hour period following the announcement of a cease‑fire in the Iran conflict. To exert tangible pressure, Shoebridge proposed that Australia cancel more than $1 billion in Israeli arms contracts. He argued that such a move would not only address the moral outrage over the attacks but also deliver “real material pressure” on Israel to withdraw its forces. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has warned Australians to avoid travel to Lebanon and is urging residents to leave while commercial flights remain available, citing a rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation, displacement crises, and the risk of sudden airspace closures. In a separate development, former Prime Minister Tony Abbott urged the government to deploy troops alongside U.S. forces, claiming Australia had “betrayed our values and long‑term national interest.” Abbott framed the conflict as part of a broader effort to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions and protect freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. His remarks were rebuffed by Health Minister Mark Butler, who emphasized that Australia’s current support is limited to defensive assistance for the United Arab Emirates and that there is no public appetite for offensive deployments in the Middle East. Energy Minister Chris Bowen reiterated that any cease‑fire must extend across the region, stating that “Lebanese people have the same rights as anyone else in the Middle East” and that Israel should honour the cease‑fire “in both letter and spirit.”

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

The International Monetary Fund has cautioned that the US‑Israel war on Iran could ignite a new wave of global inflation, jeopardising the outlook for world growth even if the current cease‑fire endures. IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva announced on Thursday that the Fund will lower its growth projection for the global economy at next week’s IMF‑World Bank Spring Meetings, stating that the conflict has turned a potential upgrade into a growth downgrade. Earlier this year the IMF had lifted its forecast to 3.3 % growth for the 191‑member economies. That optimism evaporated after the war erupted on 28 February, driving up oil and natural‑gas prices, damaging energy infrastructure such as refineries and tanker terminals, and disrupting fertilizer shipments essential for global agriculture. Georgieva warned that the conflict is eroding business and consumer confidence and urged member nations to “get your house in order” as heightened defence spending adds further strain to the world economy. She also expressed confidence that the IMF will secure U.S. congressional approval this year for a 50 % increase in quota‑based lending resources, unlocking more of its roughly $1 trillion lending capacity. The United States, the Fund’s largest shareholder, would thereby provide crucial financial reassurance amid uncertain future developments. In a newly released report, the IMF estimated that countries directly involved in armed conflict typically see output fall by about 3 % at the outset, accumulating to roughly 7 % losses over five years. However, the study noted that economies like the United States may avoid severe economic damage because the fighting does not physically affect their own territory. Central banks are also on alert. Georgieva emphasized that “the central bank cannot afford to let inflation spiral out of control,” a statement that precedes the U.S. Federal Reserve’s two‑day policy meeting scheduled for 28–29 April, where interest‑rate decisions will be made amid political pressure from President Trump to lower rates. Other monetary authorities, including the Bank of Mexico, warned that the Middle‑East turmoil could push inflation higher in Latin America’s second‑largest economy, underscoring the broader spill‑over risks of the conflict.

OECD preliminary figures reveal a 23% decline in international development assistance between 2024 and 2025, the steepest annual fall recorded since the organization began tracking aid.The United States was the primary catalyst, with its official development assistance slashing nearly 57% in 2025, a reduction that accounts for roughly three‑quarters of the overall drop.Total aid from the 34 DAC members fell from $214.6 billion to $174.3 billion. American contributions shrank from about $63 billion in 2024 to just under $29 billion the following year, according to the OECD.Other major donors—including Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan and France—also trimmed their budgets, and only eight DAC countries managed to meet or exceed their 2024 levels.The cuts arrive at a time of heightened global economic and food‑security uncertainty, exacerbated by the ongoing US‑Israeli conflict with Iran.OECD official Carsten Staur described the plunge as “deeply concerning,” urging donors to reverse the trend as humanitarian needs surge. Oxfam’s Development Finance Lead Didier Jacobs warned that wealthy governments are “turning their backs on millions of lives in the Global South” by cutting life‑saving aid while funding conflict.Academic research links the U.S. reductions to a rise in armed conflict across Africa, with the Center for Global Development estimating that the cuts could have caused between 500,000 and 1,000,000 excess deaths in 2025. A Lancet analysis warns that continuing the downward trajectory may result in **over 9.4 million additional deaths by 2030**.Under President Trump, the United States has dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and pursued a handful of bilateral agreements with African nations that tie aid to mineral access and health data. Simultaneously, the administration is seeking a historic $1.5 trillion military budget for FY2027** and between **$80 billion and $200 billion** for the Iran‑Israel war effort.Analysts and NGOs are calling on DAC members to restore aid levels and reinforce the global humanitarian system, which they say faces its most serious crisis in decades.

Iran's supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, has declared a 'final victory' in the war against Israel and the United States, despite a fragile ceasefire being threatened by Israel's continued offensive on Lebanon.Marking 40 days since his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was killed in a US-Israeli attack, Khamenei stated that Iran had 'astonished the world' during the course of the war. He emphasized that Tehran is not seeking war but is fighting for its legitimate rights.Khamenei warned that Iran will not leave 'criminal aggressors' unpunished and will demand compensation for damages and the blood of martyrs and the wounded. He also mentioned that Iran will move towards a 'new phase' regarding the Strait of Hormuz, which has been effectively blockaded since the war began.The US and Iran agreed to a two-week ceasefire mediated by Pakistan, allowing for negotiations to take place. However, Israeli air strikes across Lebanon on Wednesday killed over 300 people, threatening the truce amid disagreements on whether Beirut was part of the agreement.Khamenei stated that Iran is ready to respond if attacks resume, saying 'our hands are on the trigger'. Despite this, he emphasized that Iran will not renounce its legitimate rights under any circumstances, considering the entire resistance front as a whole.Delegations from Iran and the US are expected in Pakistan on Saturday to hold talks on ending the war.

The fertility rate in the United States has dropped to an all-time low, continuing a two-decade decline that has seen births in the country drop by nearly 23 percent since 2007.According to data released by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the fertility rate for 2025 was 53.1 births per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44, a one percent drop compared to the year before.Experts attribute the change to a variety of factors, from changing priorities among younger women to socioeconomic factors such as anxiety over the cost of living and the affordability of housing and childcare. For example, the average cost of childcare in California is nearly $22,000 per year, while in Alabama it is nearly $8,000.Even though Alabama's costs are lower, the institute noted that $8,000 is the equivalent of 27 weeks of full-time work for a laborer making the minimum wage in the state. In California, it would take a minimum-wage worker 33 weeks to earn enough for childcare costs alone.Falling birth rates have also grabbed the attention of policymakers, with some seeking to roll out tools to incentivize young couples to have children. The administration of United States President Donald Trump promised to embrace pro-birth policies, sometimes referred to as pro-natalist policies.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned on Thursday that it would be "dumb" for the United States to permit Israel to jeopardise the newly‑declared regional ceasefire by persisting with its intense bombardment of Lebanon, a campaign that has already claimed hundreds of lives. Araghchi noted that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trial is set to resume on Sunday, suggesting the prime minister may have ulterior motives for sustaining the fighting. He wrote on social media that a ceasefire encompassing Lebanon would "hasten his jailing," implying that the truce could pressure Netanyahu’s legal woes. Addressing Washington directly, Araghchi said: "If the US wishes to crater its economy by letting Netanyahu kill diplomacy, that would ultimately be its choice. We think that would be dumb but are prepared for it." The statement echoes language used by U.S. Vice President JD Vance the previous day, who warned that Iran would find it "dumb" to let the ceasefire collapse over Lebanon, yet framed it as a choice for Tehran. Since the ceasefire was announced on Tuesday, the dispute over whether it applies to Lebanon has become a central obstacle to sustaining the truce. Iranian officials and media have hinted that Tehran could respond militarily to Israel’s assault on Lebanon or even block the Strait of Hormuz to enforce a Lebanon‑wide ceasefire. President Donald Trump told NBC News that he had spoken with Netanyahu and urged the Israeli government to "scale back" its operations in Lebanon, describing the approach as "low‑key." Vance also reported that Israeli officials had agreed to "check themselves a little bit in Lebanon." Despite these diplomatic overtures, the violence shows no sign of abating. The death toll from recent Israeli strikes in Lebanon has already surpassed 300, marking one of the deadliest days in the country’s recent history. On Thursday, Israel launched several new attacks, including a strike that killed four rescuers in the southern town of Borj Qalaouiye, and issued a displacement order for Beirut’s Jnah district, home to two major hospitals and tens of thousands of residents and displaced persons. The United States has a track record of asserting that Israel will curb its military actions, only to witness continued strikes. In 2024, the Biden administration insisted that Israel’s operation in Rafah was "limited," yet the Israeli military ultimately razed nearly every structure in the city, a tactic now hinted at for southern Lebanon. The Lebanese conflict escalated into full‑scale war in early March after Hezbollah fired rockets in retaliation for Israeli strikes and following the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28. Since a separate November 2024 ceasefire, Israel has maintained near‑daily attacks on Lebanon, targeting civilian infrastructure and deepening the humanitarian crisis.

The strategic Strait of Hormuz, linking the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, has become the focal point of the Israel‑U.S. war on Iran that began in February. In peacetime the narrow waterway handled about 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments without any tolls, but the conflict has turned it into a contested zone. After a series of Israeli and U.S. strikes, Iran retaliated by targeting merchant vessels it deemed hostile, effectively shutting the passage and triggering one of the most severe energy‑distribution crises in recent memory. While a two‑week ceasefire, brokered by Pakistan, was declared on Tuesday, Tehran has issued a set of official terms that would govern the strait moving forward. According to Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghi, safe passage will be allowed in coordination with the Iranian armed forces and subject to technical limitations. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has even published a new navigation map that pushes traffic farther north, away from the traditional route near Oman’s coast, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines. Central to Tehran’s 10‑point peace proposal is the idea of charging fees for strait usage. Iranian media report that the plan could levy up to $2 million per vessel—a sum to be shared with Oman—or a charge of $1 per barrel of oil shipped. The revenue would allegedly fund reconstruction of military and civilian infrastructure damaged by the U.S.–Israeli campaign. Oman has publicly rejected any toll scheme, with Transport Minister Said Al‑Maawali reminding that the country has already signed all relevant international maritime transport agreements that prohibit such fees. International law adds another layer of complexity. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) prohibits levying charges for mere passage through international straits, allowing fees only for services like navigation assistance or port use. Neither the United States nor Iran have ratified UNCLOS, but the principle remains a benchmark for maritime norms. Analysts suggest a possible workaround: charging for de‑mining and safety services rather than for passage itself, which could be permissible under existing legal frameworks. The proposal has sparked diplomatic pushback. At the United Nations Security Council, Bahrain led a resolution urging coordinated reopening of the strait, backed by Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan. The resolution passed with 11 of 15 votes, but was vetoed by Russia and China, who argued it unfairly targeted Iran and ignored the initial strikes. Beyond the region, the United States is unlikely to accept indefinite tolls. Former President Donald Trump, who announced the ceasefire, warned that U.S. forces would remain in the area and threatened to resume attacks if negotiations faltered. American troops are reportedly “hanging around” to assist with traffic buildup, though the extent of their operational control remains unclear. Maritime analyst C. Uday Bhaskar notes that only three to five ships have traversed the strait since the ceasefire began, underscoring the lingering uncertainty for global shippers. He adds that ship owners facing multi‑million‑dollar losses each day may ultimately acquiesce to Iran’s terms, at least temporarily. Should Iran implement a toll regime, the immediate impact would fall on Gulf oil‑producing nations, but the ripple effects could destabilize global energy markets, already strained by supply shocks. Major powers such as the United Kingdom have been coordinating with a coalition of 40 countries to explore alternative mechanisms for reopening the waterway without conceding to tolls. In sum, Iran’s proposed protocol for the Strait of Hormuz introduces a contentious new variable into an already volatile geopolitical landscape, pitting national security interests against established maritime law and the broader stability of world energy supplies.

In a stark assessment of the ongoing regional confrontation, Iranian officials acknowledge that the country has endured significant casualties, yet they assert that Tehran is gaining a strategic advantage over the combined forces of the United States and Israel. The narrative, presented by Al Jazeera on April 9, 2026, emphasizes that despite being "bloodied," Iran perceives its actions as a victory against the US‑Israel axis. This framing signals Tehran’s intent to portray resilience and influence, even as the human and material costs rise. Analysts note that such rhetoric serves multiple purposes: it bolsters domestic morale, signals to regional allies that Iran remains a formidable player, and attempts to undermine the cohesion of the US‑Israel partnership. By positioning itself as a winner in a conflict where the costs are visible, Iran aims to reshape the discourse around its regional role. While the article does not provide specific casualty figures or detailed military outcomes, the emphasis on a perceived strategic win suggests a broader shift in Tehran’s diplomatic messaging. The statement may also foreshadow Iran’s next steps in leveraging its position to negotiate from a place of perceived strength. Observers will watch closely how this narrative influences both Tehran’s internal politics and its external engagements with neighboring states, as well as how the United States and Israel respond to a claim of Iranian ascendancy despite evident hardships.