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Oil and gas markets rallied on Thursday as investors grappled with the shaky outlook for the two‑week Iran‑Israel ceasefire. Brent crude rose more than 2% to $96.77 a barrel, while New York light crude climbed nearly 3% to $97.23, still shy of the $100 threshold that many traders watch. The previous session had seen Brent plunge 13.29% to a four‑week low of $94.75. In the gas sector, the UK month‑ahead contract rebounded 1% to 115.35p per therm after a 15% drop the day before. European natural‑gas futures also recovered, edging toward €46/MWh from a five‑week trough of €45.30. The price uptick reflects growing scepticism about the durability of the ceasefire announced a day earlier by the United States and Iran, which included a pledge to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. UAE and Kuwait reported intercepting Iranian drones, and Iran’s parliamentary speaker accused the United States and Israel of breaching several agreement points. Iran’s Revolutionary Guards warned of a “regret‑inducing response” if Israeli strikes on Lebanon continue. The latest Israeli barrage killed at least 254 people and wounded 837, prompting the Fars news agency to note that oil‑tanker traffic through the strait had been halted. Former President Donald Trump used his Truth Social platform to threaten that U.S. forces would remain in the region until a “real agreement” is fully honoured, warning that any non‑compliance would trigger “stronger than anyone has ever seen before” military action. Asian equity markets reacted negatively: Japan’s Nikkei slipped 0.7%, South Korea’s Kospi fell 1.7%, and Hong Kong’s Hang Seng edged down 0.4%. In Europe, the FTSE 100 dipped 0.1%, Germany’s DAX fell 0.6%, France’s CAC 40 dropped 0.3%, and Italy’s FTSE MIB slipped 0.2%. The pan‑European Stoxx 600 trimmed 0.1% after a near‑4% rally the day before, while U.S. futures pointed to a lower opening on Wall Street. Deutsche Bank strategist Jim Reid noted that market stress has eased compared with 24 hours earlier, as the ceasefire news generated renewed optimism and reduced fears of a stagflationary shock. On the diplomatic front, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt announced that Vice‑President JD Vance will lead a delegation to Islamabad, with initial talks slated for Saturday morning. Jefferies chief European economist Mohit Kumar argued that, despite its fragility, the truce is likely to hold because of the “mutually assured destruction” calculus. He added that both sides now see a ceasefire as the lesser‑evil, given the escalating costs of continued conflict and the strategic challenges of securing cheap drone interceptors and a reliable Hormuz passage.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Ecuador has escalated tensions with Colombia by recalling its ambassador, Arturo Felix Wong, from Bogota. This move comes in response to criticisms from Colombian President Gustavo Petro regarding the case of former Ecuadorian Vice President Jorge Glas, who is currently serving a lengthy prison sentence for corruption.Glas, a left-wing figure, has been at the center of a high-profile criminal case that has stirred tensions across Latin America. He was arrested in a controversial police raid on the Mexican embassy in Quito two years ago, where he had sought asylum. The raid was authorized by the right-wing government of Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa, who has denounced criticisms of the Glas case as a violation of his country's sovereignty.President Petro has referred to Glas as a 'political prisoner' and has called for his transfer to Colombian custody after granting him citizenship last September. Petro has also raised concerns about Glas's health and wellbeing, stating that he is suffering from severe malnutrition and muscle mass loss due to his imprisonment.The diplomatic row between Ecuador and Colombia is part of a long-running spat between the two leaders. Since March, Noboa has imposed 50-percent tariffs on Colombian imports, accusing Colombia of being too lax in its fight against drug trafficking. Petro, in turn, has accused Noboa of carrying out a bombing campaign near the Colombian border, resulting in the recovery of 27 charred bodies.Ecuador's Foreign Minister, Gabriela Sommerfeld, confirmed the recall of the ambassador, stating that the criticisms of the Glas case were 'uncalled for and a provocation'. The move is seen as a further escalation of tensions between the two countries, which have been experiencing strained relations since the Mexican embassy raid in 2024.

Matteo Berrettini delivered a stunning performance at the Monte Carlo Masters, defeating former world number one Daniil Medvedev 6-0, 6-0 in the second round. This historic victory marked Medvedev's first-ever double-bagel loss, with Berrettini dominating the match in just 49 minutes.Medvedev struggled throughout, making 30 unforced errors and serving five double faults. His frustration boiled over in the second set, as he smashed his racquet into the court four times. Berrettini, now ranked 90th, limited his mistakes to just three shots throughout the match, praising his 'perfect game plan' and effective use of his weapons.In other matches, world number three Alexander Zverev staged a late comeback to edge out Chilean qualifier Cristian Garin 4-6, 6-4, 7-5. Zverev overcame a difficult third set, saving three break points and winning five consecutive games to secure his spot in round three.Zverev will face unseeded Belgian Zizou Bergs, who downed 2023 champion Andrey Rublev 6-4, 6-1. Berrettini, meanwhile, will face Brazilian teenager Joao Fonseca in the last 16.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Vaibhav Sooryavanshi, the 15‑year‑old sensation for Rajasthan Royals, was lauded as “amazing” and “fearless” after an audacious display against Indian pace ace Jasprit Bumrah during an IPL clash. Facing the 32‑year‑old Mumbai Indians bowler for the first time, Sooryavanshi launched a six over the wide long‑on fence on his very first ball. Bumrah smiled, but three deliveries later the teenager repeated the feat with a pull shot that cleared deep backward square leg. Continuing his blitz, Sooryavanshi amassed 39 runs from just 14 balls, forming an 80‑run opening partnership with Yashasvi Jaiswal, who contributed an unbeaten 77. The duo steered Rajasthan to a 27‑run victory in a rain‑shortened 11‑over contest at Guwahati’s Barsapara Stadium. Rajasthan captain Hardik Pandya described the innings as “fascinating,” emphasizing the youngster’s fearlessness and range of shots. “Amazing to see the way he bats, the kind of fearlessness he has,” Pandya said. Sooryavanshi also took on New Zealand pacer Trent Boult, dispatching an attempted yorker for a boundary over backward square leg. His momentum was halted by a spectacular catch in the deep by Tilak Varma, taken off a big hit off Shardul Thakur. Visibly upset after his dismissal, Sooryavanshi covered his face and let out a scream before trudging back to the pavilion, while a watching Jaiswal expressed admiration for the teenager’s approach. “The way he has been playing, it’s tremendous,” Jaiswal, who earned player‑of‑the‑match honors, added. “He works hard, motivates me, and I’ll keep giving him positive messages – play freely.” Last season, Sooryavanshi announced his arrival with a 35‑ball century, the second‑fastest in IPL history. Former spin legend Anil Kumble has already urged that the prodigy be fast‑tracked into India’s senior side. His pedigree extends to the youth level, where he smashed 175 runs off 80 balls in the Under‑19 World Cup final against England, cementing his reputation as a future star.

An Iranian musician has staged a bold protest at a local power station, highlighting growing tensions between Iran and the United States under the leadership of former President Donald Trump. The protest comes amid a backdrop of heightened US-Iran relations, with Trump's administration imposing significant sanctions on Iran.The musician's actions reflect a broader discontent within Iran against US threats and policies. While details of the protest and the musician's identity remain scarce, the event underscores the complex dynamics at play in the region.This development is a testament to the ongoing challenges in US-Iran relations, with both countries navigating a delicate balance of power and diplomacy.

The mockumentary, a once-thriving film genre, seems to be losing its luster. Charli XCX's 'The Moment' and 'Spinal Tap II: The End Continues' are recent examples of films that have failed to recapture the magic of their predecessors.Historically, mockumentaries were a staple of comedy, with directors like Christopher Guest and Rob Reiner pushing the boundaries of the genre. Films like 'This Is Spinal Tap' and 'The Rutles: All You Need Is Cash' remain classics, celebrated for their improvisational style and satirical humor.However, the current crop of mockumentaries seems stale, relying on celebrity cameos rather than genuine comedic innovation. Even 'Spinal Tap II,' starring Guest, feels like a nostalgia exercise, struggling to recreate the original's charm.In contrast, smaller, independent projects like 'Rap World' and 'Nirvanna the Band the Show the Movie' are breathing new life into the genre. These films, made on shoestring budgets, use mockumentary techniques to create authentic, humorous stories that resonate with audiences.The decline of the mockumentary genre raises questions about its future. Can it be revitalized, or has it become a relic of the past? Only time will tell, but for now, it seems that the mockumentary needs a fresh perspective to regain its former glory.

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.