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NASA's Artemis II mission has reached a critical phase as the four astronauts on board have successfully fired up their spacecraft's engine to break away from Earth's orbit and embark on a trajectory towards the moon. This historic moment marks the first crewed lunar flyby in over half a century. The Orion capsule's engine blasted off on Thursday, propelling the astronauts on their 10-day mission, which includes looping around the moon. The burn, lasting just under six minutes, provided enough thrust to accelerate a stationary car to highway-driving speed in less than three seconds. The mission control team in Houston confirmed the successful burn, stating, 'Looks like a good burn, we're confirming.' The astronauts, consisting of Americans Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, along with Canadian Jeremy Hansen, are now on a 'free return' trajectory, utilizing the moon's gravity to slingshot around it before heading back towards Earth without propulsion. The Artemis II mission is a crucial step towards establishing a permanent human presence on the moon, with the ultimate goal of landing humans on the lunar surface by 2028. This mission also marks a series of historic firsts, including the first person of color, the first woman, and the first non-American on a lunar mission. The spacecraft's crew spent their initial hours in space performing checks and troubleshooting minor issues, including a communications problem and a malfunctioning toilet. They also began their fitness routine on the spacecraft's 'flywheel exercise device' to minimize muscle and bone loss in microgravity. NASA's Artemis program has been portrayed as a competitive effort with China, which aims to land humans on the moon by 2030. The program has faced pressure from various quarters, including former President Trump, who has pushed for an accelerated pace. The mission's commander, Reid Wiseman, described the breathtaking view of Earth from space, saying, 'You can see the entire globe from pole to pole... It was the most spectacular moment and it paused all four of us in our tracks.'

Labour has challenged Nigel Farage over the cost of his private jet trip to the Maldives, questioning his claim that it cost as little as £25,000. Farage, the leader of Reform UK, initially recorded the two-day trip as costing £12,500, funded by Thailand-based Reform megadonor Christopher Harborne, before later upgrading the cost to £25,000. The Labour Party's chair, Anna Turley, wrote to Farage arguing that chartering a private jet of a similar size would cost many times more than the sum declared. According to publicly available flight logs, the 11,000-mile round trip lasted just over 23 hours, using a model of plane that is currently advertised on multiple private jet websites as costing at least $11,500 (£8,500) per hour to charter. Turley highlighted that the plane's ownership is linked to Harborne, who has given the party more than £12m. She asked Farage to clarify how he valued the cost of the flight, which did not end in him reaching the Chagos Islands, as he did not have permission. Farage has described the visit as a "humanitarian mission", saying he undertook the trip to highlight the plight of the Chagossians, whose families were removed from the islands in the 1960s and are seeking to return. The trip has sparked controversy over the valuation of the private jet donation and Farage's attempts to reach the Chagos Islands, which are subject to a UK government decision to hand sovereignty to Mauritius.

Maggie Aderin-Pocock, a space scientist and CEO of Science Innovation Ltd, says the one item she would take to the lunar surface is a hand‑sewn purple‑cloth alien crafted by her daughter during a GCSE textile project. The tiny creature, made on a loom, embodies her child's love and would serve as a reminder of family ties at the farthest point from Earth. Sheila Hancock, acclaimed actor and writer, would use the trip as a cultural boot‑camp. She plans to study the complete works of Shakespeare, the epic novel War and Peace, and the full symphonies of Mahler as interpreted by Claudio Abbado, hoping the immersion will "strengthen her weakening brain" and deepen her appreciation of human genius. Michael Akadiri, a stand‑up comedian and resident doctor, imagines a lighter itinerary: a stack of old birthday cards to revisit heartfelt messages, an old‑school notepad for real‑time reflections, and a handful of puff‑puff (Nigerian doughnuts) – a cheeky nod to his fitness‑obsessed friends. Michael Rosen, children’s author and broadcaster, would bring three nostalgic comforts: giant yellow Chilean raisins from W Martyn’s shop in Muswell Hill, an oval brown pebble from the alleyway of his teenage flat, and the “furry” blanket his wife gave him during his 2020 COVID‑19 ventilator stay, each item a tactile link to his past. Athena Kugblenu, writer and comedian, opts for practicality and humor. She would pack a pair of Crocs for comfort, the guidebook Contact by Carl Sagan as a potential alien‑communication manual, and a jar of shito sauce – a Ghanaian shrimp‑tomato condiment – to introduce extraterrestrials to Ghanaian flavor before they learn English profanity. Nels Abbey, writer and broadcaster, frames his selection as a morale‑boosting toolkit. He would carry excerpts from Gil Scott‑Heron’s "Whitey on the Moon" and stand‑up routines by Paul Mooney, using their cynical wit to cope with the psychological challenges of space travel. Collectively, the panel’s choices illustrate how personal history, artistic heritage and even culinary curiosity can anchor humanity during the most extraordinary voyages. Their whimsical yet heartfelt lists underscore the idea that, even beyond Earth, we remain tethered to the stories, flavors and objects that define us.

The Guardian’s investigation has revealed that the company responsible for the unauthorised partial felling of a 500‑year‑old oak in Whitewebbs Park, Enfield, was Ground Control, a maintenance business that reports a turnover of £190 million. The tree was cut down in September 2025 on behalf of Mitchells & Butler Retail (MBR), the owner of the Toby Carvery restaurant chain. MBR initially defended the action, claiming its contractor warned that the oak was diseased and posed a safety risk. However, a coalition of experts – including a Forest Commission investigator and ancient‑tree specialist Russell Miller – found the tree to be healthy with no imminent danger. Miller described the alleged “hazard” as an old, semi‑occluded wound that did not justify felling the entire tree. According to Dr. Ed Pyne of the Woodland Trust, the delay in identifying the contractor highlights a broader lack of transparency: "What evidence exists that the tree was dangerous? What qualifications did the operatives have?" He added that the justification for the removal remains unsubstantiated. Ground Control’s own documentation shows the work was assigned to its grounds‑maintenance team rather than its specialist arborists, a detail that fuels further criticism of MBR’s decision‑making process. Sources close to the firm say an internal review was conducted by a contracts manager, not a tree expert. Enfield Council, which owns the park, has launched legal action to evict Toby Carvery after MBR refused to apologise or offer compensation. The council also referred the incident to the police, but officers declined to investigate, deeming it a civil matter. Complicating the dispute, MBR is majority‑owned by investment group Enic, which holds strong financial ties to Tottenham Hotspur. The football club plans to develop a women’s training academy on 17 hectares adjacent to the park, a proposal opposed by the local campaign group Guardians of Whitewebbs. The group has secured a judicial review of the planning permission, set for June. In a statement last April, MBR asserted that its “specialist arboriculture contractors” deemed the split and dead wood a serious health‑and‑safety risk. A Toby Carvery spokesperson declined further comment, citing ongoing legal proceedings. The revelation of Ground Control’s involvement adds a new layer to the controversy, raising questions about corporate responsibility, environmental stewardship, and the adequacy of legal protections for historic trees in urban green spaces.

Matildas captain Sam Kerr is set to leave Chelsea FC at the end of the Women's Super League season to join expansion club Denver Summit in the United States.Kerr's future at Chelsea had been uncertain, with her contract expiring at the end of the season and little discussion of a new deal. The 32-year-old has won the Women's Super League title five times and three FA Cups with Chelsea.According to reports, Kerr has signed with Denver Summit, a significant coup for the ambitious new club. The move would mark Kerr's return to the US, where she previously played for Western New York Flash, Sky Blue FC, and Chicago Red Stars.Kerr has an American wife, former US international Kristie Mewis, and her signing would be a boon for Denver Summit, which counts US ski star Mikaela Shiffrin and NFL great Peyton Manning among its owners.The news was met with a statement from Kerr herself, who refuted the report on Snapchat, saying: “Don’t believe everything you read in the media man, they know a decision before me.” Chelsea FC subsequently retweeted her response.Kerr's potential move comes as she prepares to captain the Matildas in a pair of international friendlies in Kenya later this month.

The United States has reaffirmed that it is still prepared to engage Tehran in diplomatic talks, despite the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran and President Donald Trump’s renewed threats to target the country’s civilian infrastructure. State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott told Al Jazeera that President Trump had pursued negotiations with Iran before the conflict erupted, but accused the Iranian regime of persisting in its quest for a nuclear weapon. "The president is always open to diplomacy, but he’s also clear that we will see our objectives fulfilled here," Pigott said, underscoring the administration’s dual track of diplomatic engagement and military pressure. In a primetime address aired on Wednesday, Trump echoed his earlier claims that the United States is winning the war, yet offered no concrete roadmap for ending the hostilities or reopening the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint whose closure by Tehran has driven global energy prices higher. The conflict began on February 28, shortly after a round of Geneva talks that Omani mediators and Iranian officials described as “positive.” Last year, Israel struck Iran’s three primary nuclear facilities in an operation the White House dubbed “Midnight Hammer.” Iran continues to deny any intention to develop a nuclear weapon, while Israel is widely believed to possess an undeclared nuclear arsenal. Former intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard testified to Congress that Iran was not rebuilding enrichment capacity before the June 2025 attacks, and later reiterated that there have been no efforts to restore its nuclear program since the strikes. Nevertheless, Tehran insists on the right to enrich uranium domestically and has ruled out negotiations over its missile program and support for groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Pigott emphasized that the United States is maintaining high‑level diplomatic contacts across the region, stating, "We see diplomatic engagement at the highest levels of this administration, with our partners in the region, to pursue our interests and explore what can happen here." The spokesperson also accused Iran of targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, describing the threat of a nuclear‑armed Tehran as "intolerable." In response, Iran has launched missile and drone attacks against U.S. and Israeli assets, as well as energy facilities, hotels, and airports throughout the Middle East. Trump later posted footage of a U.S. strike on a major Iranian bridge, warning that similar attacks could follow. He wrote on social media, "IT IS TIME FOR IRAN TO MAKE A DEAL BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE, and there is nothing left of what could become a great country." In the same speech, he threatened to destroy Iran’s power plants and, earlier in the week, suggested the United States could also target water desalination stations – actions that legal experts say would constitute collective punishment under international law. Barbara Slavin, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, told Al Jazeera that Trump appears to be "scrambling" to intensify the war in hopes of forcing a resolution before the conflict turns into a definitive failure.

UEFA chief Aleksander Ceferin warned that Italy’s ability to co‑host Euro 2032 with Turkiye is in jeopardy because many of the nation’s football venues rank among the worst in Europe. In an interview with La Gazzetta dello Sport, Ceferin said, “Euro 2032 is scheduled and will take place, of that there is no doubt. I just hope that the infrastructure in Italy will be ready. If that’s not the case, the tournament will not be held in Italy.” He added that the core issue lies in “the relationship between the football authorities and politics,” suggesting that political interference has hampered stadium development. By October, Italy must submit a list of five stadiums for the tournament, choosing from eleven candidate cities: Rome, Florence, Bologna, Milan, Genoa, Bari, Naples, Turin, Cagliari and Palermo. Work on any new or renovated venue must commence by March 2027 to meet UEFA deadlines. At present, only Juventus’s Allianz Stadium in Turin meets UEFA standards for Euro 2032 matches. Meanwhile, Inter Milan and AC Milan have acquired the San Siro site and aim to deliver a new 71,500‑seat arena on the same footprint by 2031, but the transaction is under investigation for alleged bid‑rigging. In Rome, local authorities have approved a new stadium in the city’s eastern district, while Fiorentina’s Artemio Franchi Stadium is undergoing redevelopment. Naples unveiled a €200 million renovation plan for the Diego Armando Maradona Stadium, which includes removing the surrounding running track – a project the mayor says is essential “regardless of 2032.” The UEFA warning follows a historic setback for Italian football: the Azzurri, coached by Gennaro Gattuso, were eliminated from the 2026 World Cup after a 4‑1 penalty defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the UEFA playoff final, marking the first time a former champion has missed three consecutive World Cups. Should Italy fail to upgrade its venues, UEFA has indicated that the tournament could proceed without Italian venues, preserving the event’s schedule but stripping Italy of the prestige and economic benefits of hosting matches.

The Paris Appeals Court on Wednesday rejected Tunisia's request to extradite Halima Ben Ali, the daughter of the late former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who faces accusations of laundering assets acquired during her father's 1987‑2011 rule.The ruling was anchored in Tunisia's failure to provide guarantees of an independent and impartial trial, a prerequisite under French and international extradition standards.Halima Ben Ali was detained in September 2025 at Tunisia's behest as she prepared to board a flight from Paris to Dubai. Authorities allege she participated in the laundering of wealth amassed under her father's regime.Her lawyer, Samia Maktouf, warned that sending her back would be tantamount to “a death sentence.” After the verdict, Maktouf described the decision as “an immense relief” and affirmed that justice had been served in accordance with the law.Tunisian prosecutors say the alleged financial crimes could carry a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, underscoring the broader push to recover misappropriated assets and hold the Ben Ali family accountable more than a decade after the Arab Spring uprisings.The case revives debate over the legacy of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011, fled to Saudi Arabia, died in exile in 2019, and was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment by a Tunisian court.While the French decision may strain diplomatic ties, it also signals Paris' commitment to uphold procedural safeguards when handling extradition requests linked to politically sensitive cases.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.