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Federal weather data reveal that March 2026 was the hottest March ever recorded across the continental United States in a 132‑year dataset, with average temperatures soaring to 50.85 °F (10.47 °C), a staggering 9.35 °F (5.19 °C) above the 20th‑century March norm. This anomaly eclipsed the previous record of an 8.9 °F excess set in March 2012, marking the most extreme departure from average temperatures for any month in U.S. history. The month’s daytime highs were equally extreme, averaging 11.4 °F above the long‑term benchmark—almost a degree hotter than the typical April high, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). Such extreme warmth is part of a broader trend: six of the ten most abnormal heat months have occurred within the last decade, and February 2026, at 6.57 °F above normal, ranked as the tenth most anomalous month on record. “The March heat wave was unprecedented across the United States,” noted Shel Winkley of Climate Central, emphasizing the sheer volume of records broken. In just two days (March 20‑21), roughly one‑third of the nation experienced temperatures that would have been virtually impossible without human‑induced climate change, according to Climate Central’s analysis. Data compiled by meteorologist Guy Walton shows that more than 19,800 daily temperature records were surpassed in March, and over 2,000 locations set new monthly heat records—a volume of record‑breaking events usually spread across entire decades. Jeff Masters of Yale Climate Connections warned that “climate change is kicking our butts,” adding that the January‑March period was the driest on record for the contiguous United States. The combination of extreme heat and historic dryness threatens water supplies, agriculture, river navigation, and overall ecosystem health. Looking ahead, both the European Copernicus climate service and NOAA project the formation of a “super” El Niño in the coming months, with the potential to amplify global temperatures into late 2026 and 2027. Meteorology professor Victor Gensini of Northern Illinois University cautioned that such an event could push the planet to new record‑high temperature thresholds.

Argentina's congress has approved a bill promoted by President Javier Milei that authorizes mining in ecologically sensitive areas of glaciers and permafrost, sparking widespread environmental protests. The bill, which was already approved by the senate in February, will make it easier to mine for metals such as copper, lithium, and silver in frozen parts of the Andes mountains.The chamber of deputies approved the amendment with 137 votes in favor, 111 against, and three abstentions after nearly 12 hours of debate. Environmentalists argue that the legislative changes will weaken protections for crucial water sources, with thousands protesting outside parliament, holding banners with slogans such as “Water is more precious than gold!” and “A glacier destroyed cannot be restored!”Seven Greenpeace activists were arrested earlier in the day after scaling a statue outside parliament and unfurling a banner urging lawmakers “not to betray the Argentine people”. The passage of the amendment is a new coup for Milei, who pushed through looser labor laws in February despite repeated street protests.Environmental activists, such as Flavia Broffoni, argue that there is no possibility of creating a 'sustainable mine' in a periglacial environment. Argentina has nearly 17,000 glaciers or rock glaciers, with glacial reserves in the north-west shrinking by 17% in the last decade due to climate change.Milei, a free-market radical who does not believe in human-made climate change, says the bill is necessary to attract large-scale mining projects. The Central Bank of Argentina estimates that the country could triple its mining exports by 2030. Supporters argue that the bill will provide legal certainty and clear definitions, while critics, such as Enrique Viale, warn that it threatens the water supply for 70% of Argentinians.

As rising temperatures push snakes and humans into closer contact, the world faces an estimated 5.5 million snakebites each year, resulting in 138,000 deaths and 400,000 lasting disabilities. In response, a Wisconsin‑based amateur scientist has taken an extreme route to help solve the crisis.For almost 20 years, Tim Friede, a former window cleaner, allowed some of the planet’s most lethal snakes to bite him, accumulating over 200 intentional bites. His goal: to provoke his own immune system into producing antibodies that could be harvested for a near‑universal antivenom.The endeavor has been perilous. Friede survived a coma after being bitten by two cobras within an hour, endured anaphylactic shocks, lost tissue in a finger, and even had to cut necrotic muscle from his leg. Yet he persisted, eventually becoming immune to the inland taipan—the world’s most venomous snake, whose single bite can kill more than 100 people.In 2019, California biotech firm Centivax hired Friede to extract his antibodies. Early laboratory work showed that his serum can neutralise toxins from 19 elapid species, including cobras, mambas, taipans, coral snakes and kraits—roughly half of all venomous snakes worldwide.The next step is a veterinary trial in Australia, slated for later this year, before any human application. If successful, the antivenom could dramatically reduce the burden of snakebite in low‑income regions across Asia and Africa, where most victims live.Climate scientists warn that warming climates will expand snake habitats and increase human exposure, as illustrated by the recent surge of rattlesnake bites in California’s Ventura County. This amplifies the urgency for scalable, affordable antivenoms, especially as international aid budgets face cuts and manufacturing capacity remains insufficient.Friede’s unconventional path underscores a broader lesson: confronting emerging health threats may require bold, unconventional science, but the potential payoff—a life‑saving treatment for millions—could be transformative.

Labour leader Ed Miliband is facing a dilemma over whether to support new oil and gas licences in the North Sea, a move that could undermine the party's commitment to renewable energy and climate action. Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, is pushing for the licences as a way to cut fuel bills, and some trade unions are also expressing support.However, Labour's green-friendly manifesto and Miliband's long-standing commitment to combating climate change make it difficult for the party to backtrack on its opposition to fossil fuel extraction. The issue has become a battleground between Labour and Reform UK, with Farage framing it as a fight between the 'common man' and the 'elites'. The North Sea oil and gas industry is in decline, and even if new licences were granted, it would take five to seven years for the wells to become productive. Moreover, the global energy market is driven by fossil fuel prices, so extracting more oil from the North Sea would have a minimal impact on UK energy prices.Instead of succumbing to pressure from the right, Labour should focus on investing in renewable energy and breaking the energy market into clean power and fossil power. This approach would not only help combat climate change but also provide a more sustainable and resilient energy supply.The article concludes that Labour must stay committed to its green agenda and not give in to the 'nostalgic fantasy' of North Sea drilling, which would only serve to benefit Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

President Donald Trump warned on Tuesday that a U.S. attack on Iran could cause "a whole civilization to die tonight," a statement that sparked immediate backlash from climate icon Greta Thunberg. The Swedish activist, known for her outspoken stance on climate change and the Gaza crisis, described the president’s remarks as a normalization of genocide and urged the public to reject such rhetoric. In an Instagram video posted shortly before a cease‑fire was announced, Thunberg lamented the "muted" reaction to the threat, asking, "What the f*** is anyone even doing at this point?" She emphasized that the world has become accustomed to "total annihilation of entire peoples" and the "systematic destruction of the biosphere," urging viewers to demand an end to these narratives. Poll data reveal a stark generational split on the war. A Pew Research Center survey released Tuesday showed that while 67 % of Republicans aged 65+ believe the conflict will curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, only 25 % of Republicans aged 18‑29 share that view. When asked about the war’s impact on Iranians, just 7 % of older Republican voters said they would be worse off, compared with nearly 28 % of younger voters. Among Democrats, the age gap is less pronounced but still significant: 60 % of young Democratic respondents (18‑29) think the war will harm Iranians, versus 48 % of those over 65. Similar patterns emerge in other surveys. Emerson College found that 75 % of respondents under 50 fear a new world war within four years, compared with 54 % of those over 50. A Politico poll of self‑identified “MAGA Republicans” showed that only 49 % of those under 35 believe Trump has a concrete plan for the Iran conflict, versus 70 % of older supporters. These findings echo a broader historical trend: younger Americans, many of whom grew up in the shadow of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, display a more isolationist outlook. A December 2025 Pew poll indicated that only 39 % of 18‑29‑year‑olds consider active U.S. involvement in global affairs important, compared with 73 % of seniors. The generational divide also extends to attitudes toward Israel. The same Tuesday poll reported that 84 % of young Democrats and 57 % of young Republicans hold an unfavorable view of Israel, whereas older respondents are considerably less critical. Thunberg’s criticism of Trump aligns with her longstanding activism on Middle‑East issues. Last year she joined a humanitarian flotilla bound for Gaza, only to be detained and deported by Israeli forces. Her latest condemnation underscores a growing sentiment among Gen Z that calls for accountability and an end to war‑like rhetoric. In summary, the controversy surrounding Trump’s Iran threat has amplified existing generational tensions in the United States, with younger citizens increasingly questioning the efficacy and morality of U.S. military interventions while demanding a shift away from language that normalizes mass violence.

Sea-level rise has transitioned from a distant threat to an immediate and intimate health crisis, affecting not just infrastructure but human bodies, minds, livelihoods, and cultures. The crisis is manifesting in various ways, including saltwater intrusion into freshwater supplies, flooding of sanitation systems, and inundation of farmland, leading to a range of health issues.The impact of sea-level rise extends beyond physical health, causing emotional, financial, and cultural harm, particularly to Indigenous peoples who face the loss of their ancestral lands and way of life. The crisis is also deeply intertwined with issues of inequality, colonialism, and economic exclusion, with those facing the harshest consequences being those who contributed the least to the problem.Efforts are underway to address the crisis, including the establishment of the Lancet Commission on Sea-Level Rise, Health and Justice, which aims to bring together expertise from various disciplines to explore the interconnections between health, justice, and climate impacts. Additionally, legal actions, such as the advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice, are helping to clarify the responsibilities of states in addressing climate change and its impacts.The shift towards renewable energy and the growing recognition of the need for accountability from polluters are seen as critical steps in addressing the crisis. While the challenge is significant, there is a growing sense of determination and resilience among communities and individuals working to mitigate the impacts of sea-level rise and promote a more sustainable future.

The Iran war has laid bare the world's reliance on fossil fuels, with oil prices reaching $110 a barrel and potentially rising to $150. This has significant implications for global food security, with food prices expected to leap further due to a fertiliser supply crunch.The UN climate chief, Simon Stiell, noted that fossil fuel dependency is 'ripping away national security and sovereignty and replacing it with subservience and rising costs.' The world's top emitters are divided into two camps: those pursuing a low-carbon future and those determined to exploit their fossil fuel reserves.China, the world's biggest emitter, is leading the charge for an electrified future, with renewables growing at record levels and clean energy driving a third of its GDP growth. India has also set ambitious targets, aiming to generate 60% of its electricity from low-carbon sources by 2035.In contrast, countries like the US, Russia, and Saudi Arabia are benefiting from high fossil fuel prices, with the US oil and gas sector set for a $60bn windfall. The US under Trump stands out as a paradox, with emissions falling until last year but now facing a potential rollback of climate protections.The war in Iran has also highlighted the need for a global transition to clean energy. As John Kerry noted, 'The future is being able to harness the power of electrons and send them where we need them, and use them where and when we need them.' Reducing methane emissions could cut temperatures by 0.3C by the 2040s, and a mandatory methane agreement may be necessary to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.