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Donald Trump’s demand that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz has an immediate impact on U.S. gasoline prices, but analysts warn that a prolonged conflict will push energy costs higher across the globe, far beyond the fuel pump. Systemic increases in power prices and disrupted supply chains are set to compress margins for industries worldwide; in the United States, the effect could be especially damaging to the fragile economics of the AI boom. Oil‑importing nations in the Global South are already feeling the strain: Egypt has imposed curfews, Indonesia is trialling work‑from‑home Fridays, and the Philippines has declared a national energy emergency. While the United States, as a major oil exporter, can partially insulate itself, the country cannot escape the global rise in energy costs. Experts predict that price pressure will linger for months even if the strait reopens within days. Companies are revisiting cash‑flow forecasts, and the AI sector—characterised by energy‑intensive model training and debt‑laden expansion—faces a particularly acute risk. OpenAI chief Sam Altman attempted to downplay environmental concerns, likening the energy required to train an AI model to the cumulative food intake over a human’s 20‑year development. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee warned that rising energy costs could depress AI share prices, noting that investors were already uneasy about the sector’s heavy reliance on debt financing and uncertain return prospects before the war began. "The conflict could increase these concerns, particularly given the energy‑intensive nature of the supply chain for key components and the operation of datacentres," the committee said. World Trade Organization chief economist Robert Staiger echoed this view, cautioning that a prolonged period of high energy prices could "crimp" AI investment. He highlighted that AI‑related goods accounted for 70% of U.S. investment growth in the first three‑quarters of last year. A forensic note from US law firm Quinn Emanuel revealed that the AI sector generated roughly $60 billion in revenue last year while committing $400 billion to capital expenditure. The financing structure mirrors the 2008 crisis, with off‑balance‑sheet special purpose vehicles and asset‑backed securities playing a central role. Leading "hyperscalers" and infrastructure providers such as CoreWeave are borrowing enormous sums to build out datacentres, although some analysts argue that many projects lag behind their lofty promises. Much of this borrowing comes from private‑credit lenders, making total liabilities opaque and challenging for regulators—an issue the Bank of England has repeatedly flagged. Complex financing arrangements see datacentres owned by special purpose vehicles, debt pooled and sold to pension funds, and other layered structures that obscure true exposure. Quinn Emanuel estimates that $120 billion of datacentre debt has been moved off‑balance sheets in the past two years. The firm warns that distress at any single node could cascade through the tightly interconnected AI ecosystem. Extended higher energy costs, combined with volatile interest rates and weaker consumer demand—both likely fallout from the Middle East war—could trigger that distress. The fundamental question remains: can the AI sector generate sufficient revenue to justify its sky‑high valuations? Even modest energy price hikes may force a market rethink, with potential spill‑over effects across U.S. markets and beyond. As the article concludes, the economic fallout may be yet another unintended consequence of Trump’s aggressive stance on Iran, unleashing forces beyond his control.

American consumers are watching gasoline and airline fares climb, while economists warn that the war in Iran will keep pressure on prices across the U.S. economy.“The good old days are gone,” said Christopher Tang, a professor at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management who studies global supply chains. “We see gasoline prices rising now, but that’s only the tip of the iceberg; everything will become more expensive.”Since the conflict began in late February, crude oil has surged past $110 a barrel. The rally is tied to Iran’s leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil passes.In a recent address, President Donald Trump claimed the United States is “totally independent of the Middle East” and has “plenty of gas.” However, Brookings Institute’s energy‑security director Samantha Gross reminded listeners that oil is a globally traded commodity and the U.S. still imports significant volumes, meaning American consumers will face the same high prices as the rest of the world.Iran has either halted shipments through the strait or imposed a toll of up to $2 million per vessel. Tankers are forced to take longer routes or pay the fee, inflating logistics costs for all downstream users.Major logistics players are already passing those costs on. Amazon announced a 3.5% surcharge for third‑party sellers, while UPS and FedEx have introduced fuel surcharges exceeding 25%. The United States Postal Service will add an 8% surcharge to transportation rates starting 27 April, noting the charge is “less than one‑third of what our competitors charge for fuel alone.”When the prices go up, they rarely come back down— Christopher Tang, UCLACountries have dipped into strategic oil reserves to blunt the shock, but economists such as Virginia Tech’s David Bieri warn that refilling those stockpiles will require buying oil at today’s elevated prices, keeping the upward pressure on the market.Higher oil costs ripple beyond fuel. Crude is a key feedstock for chemicals, pharmaceuticals and fertilizers, meaning the surge could translate into higher prices for prescription drugs and groceries.Cornell University’s agricultural economics professor Christopher Wolf explained that diesel, a major input for farm equipment and fertilizer production, is also climbing, raising the cost of both crop cultivation and livestock raising.Retailers and food processors are already adjusting. “If we anticipate higher costs, we start raising prices early to avoid a sudden shock later,” Wolf said, describing a “rational expectations” approach.The Independent Grocers Alliance warned that a 10‑15% rise in fuel costs could lift food prices by 2‑4% by mid‑summer, underscoring the broader impact on household budgets.Although President Trump expects the United States to exit the Iran conflict within two to three weeks, experts agree that even a swift resolution will not instantly reverse the price spikes.The strait’s strategic importance means the political risk premium on oil will linger. “You never know when this could flare up again,” said Northeastern University’s Ravi Ramamurti, adding that the effect is likely to be persistent.As Tang summed up, “When the prices go up, they rarely come back down.”

Leeds United travel to West Ham for an FA Cup quarter‑final that both clubs would prefer to avoid, yet manager Daniel Farke is clear about his priorities. With an MA in economics and a diploma in sporting directorship, he stresses that Premier League survival is the club’s "bread and butter" and must come first.Off the pitch, the German‑born coach unwinds by immersing himself in literary fiction, counting Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude among his favourites.Farke’s dual role as a tactician and a storyteller raises the question of whether he can engineer a season that delivers both survival and cup glory. A successful double could make it hard for the Elland Road hierarchy to deny him the new contract he desires."I’m a big believer in cup competitions," Farke said, emphasizing that Leeds will approach the West Ham tie "very, very seriously". He added that the squad will start strong unless a player shows a physical issue, in which case they will be protected.The risk of fielding a first‑choice XI against a relegation rival mirrors the 2013 Wigan experience, when the club won the FA Cup but suffered relegation three days later – a bittersweet double that highlighted the fine line between triumph and disaster.Leeds have failed to win any of their last six Premier League matches, drawing four, a run that has stalled momentum. A victory could act as a catalyst to change the narrative as the season draws to a close.Injury concerns loom over striker Dominic Calvert‑Lewin, who is undergoing a hamstring scan. The England international, who netted seven goals in six games at the end of 2025, has managed only two league goals this season. A fit Calvert‑Lewin could revive Leeds’ hopes of reaching their first FA Cup semi‑final since 1987 and keep his World Cup aspirations alive.The goalkeeping position also remains unsettled. After losing his starting spot to Karl Darlow, Lucas Perri has featured solely in the FA Cup this year, leaving the decision on who starts for the West Ham tie open.Financial pressures add urgency to Farke’s decisions. Leeds’ latest accounts reveal a £49.2 million pre‑tax loss for the year ending June 2025, and a costly stadium expansion project that would be jeopardised by relegation. This backdrop explains the psychological blow of a 1‑0 loss to an under‑strength Sunderland side earlier in the month.Farke believes a deep FA Cup run could erase lingering self‑doubt. "If we secure Premier League survival and go further in the FA Cup, we can write a special chapter for this club," he said, urging his squad to seize the chance to make history.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

When a loved one passes away while a care home still holds prepaid weeks, many families are told that the provider’s "policy" does not allow refunds. In one recent case, a family challenged this stance, discovered that the contract actually obligated the home to return the unused fees, and successfully secured a refund. The experience underscores a wider issue: care‑home operators often withhold money from bereaved families, banking on their grief and lack of legal knowledge. The author, forewarned by similar reports, enlisted a family lawyer who identified the contractual breach and drafted a decisive email that compelled the provider to comply. Importantly, the complaint was not about the quality of care. The writer notes a clear separation between the compassionate on‑site staff and the profit‑focused head office, suggesting that the latter may deliberately adopt a “no‑refund” stance as a revenue‑preserving tactic. Historically, the practice traces back to the privatisation of care homes under Margaret Thatcher. The original promise was that market competition would increase choice for residents while lowering public spending. In reality, the economics of private care demand near‑full occupancy to stay profitable, forcing operators to raise prices when referrals dip. This creates a paradox: the need for vacant beds to offer choice clashes with the profit motive to maximise occupancy, ultimately undermining the policy’s goals. For families navigating this landscape, the lesson is clear: scrutinise contracts and seek legal advice before accepting a provider’s blanket “no‑refund” policy. A vigilant approach can turn a potentially lost sum into a reclaimed right, and may pressure care‑home chains to rethink opaque refund practices.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) has ordered a British diplomat to leave the country within two weeks, alleging economic espionage activities. The UK has strongly rejected these claims, labeling them as 'completely unacceptable' and an attempt at intimidation.The FSB claims that Albertus Gerhardus Janse van Rensburg, the second secretary at the British Embassy in Moscow, was involved in intelligence and subversive activities that threaten Russia's security. According to the FSB, the diplomat attempted to obtain sensitive information during informal meetings with Russian experts in economics.The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has delivered a protest to Britain's charge d'affaires over the alleged spy. In response, the British Foreign Office stated that it would not tolerate intimidation of its embassy staff or their families.This development highlights the escalating tensions between Russia and the UK, particularly in the context of Russia's ongoing conflict with Ukraine. The UK supports Ukraine with financial and military aid, viewing Russia as its primary immediate threat due to alleged cyberattacks, killings, and sabotage campaigns.Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russian authorities have sought to suppress opposition to the war while rallying support among Russian citizens. This latest diplomatic expulsion underscores the deteriorating relations between Russia and Western nations.

The conflict between the US, Israel, and Iran has entered its fourth week, with the Strait of Hormuz remaining effectively closed. This has led to a broadening of the global energy crisis, with the economic outlook darkening across Asia, Europe, and beyond.Japan has responded by releasing 80 million barrels of oil from its national reserves, enough to last for 45 days. The country's reliance on Middle Eastern crude oil imports stands at 90 percent.The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has warned that the conflict will have a significant impact on the UK economy, predicting inflation of 4 percent this year. UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has stated that Iran cannot be allowed to hold the global economy hostage.The uncertainty surrounding Trump's policy on Iran has led to the emergence of the TACO trade, an acronym that stands for Trump Always Chickens Out. This phenomenon refers to investors betting that the US president will back down from his threats, resulting in profits for those who bought in.Observers note that Trump's inconsistent messaging has created an opportunity for investors to bet on his policy reversals. For example, Trump extended his deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz from 48 hours to five days, and later promised to hold off from attacks on Iran's energy facilities for an additional 10 days. This type of about-face has opened the door to investors willing to bet that the US president will back down.Lena Komileva, chief economist at consultancy firm (g+)economics, notes that global markets have been less inclined to rebound after Trump's Iran-related policy reversals compared to similar shifts in response to his tariff policies. This is due to the complexity of the conflict and the unique objectives of the parties involved.

The notion of governments controlling prices has long been considered taboo in modern economics. However, with the resurgence of inflation and its far-reaching consequences, this stance is beginning to shift. Politicians are now exploring the possibility of intervening in the market to regulate prices, a move that would have been deemed unthinkable just a few decades ago.The Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek had argued that governments lacked the necessary information to make informed decisions about prices, leading to inefficiencies in state-run economies. Nevertheless, as market economies have struggled to provide affordable essentials like energy and housing, interest in state-regulated prices has begun to grow.Examples from Mexico and Spain demonstrate the effectiveness of government intervention in controlling prices. In Mexico, the left-wing president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and his successor Claudia Sheinbaum have capped the prices of essential goods, while in Spain, the centre-left government of Pedro Sánchez has implemented a national rent freeze and energy price cap.In the UK, Zack Polanski of the Green party has advocated for a wider price reset, while Andy Burnham, a possible Labour leadership candidate, has also called for more state involvement in the economy to reduce prices. Burnham's experiences as mayor of Greater Manchester, where he has brought buses back under public control, have informed his arguments.The pressure for the UK to adopt similar measures is mounting, with a majority of British voters supporting nationalizations to get prices under control. As inflation continues to rise, it remains to be seen whether the UK government will follow the example of countries like Spain and Mexico.