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Elon Musk's X has taken a firm stance against clickbait and low-quality content by reducing payments to users who engage in such practices. The platform has cut payouts by 60% for 'aggregators' who repost news stories without adding significant value, with further reductions of 20% planned. This move is part of X's effort to promote high-quality, original content and prevent the platform's timeline from being flooded with low-quality posts.According to Nikita Bier, X's head of product, the platform will impose permanent deductions on users who excessively use 'BREAKING' in their posts, a tactic often employed to attract clicks without adding substance. The goal is to incentivize creators to produce original material that adds value to the platform.Under X's creator revenue sharing program, users with at least 500 verified followers and 5 million views over a three-month period can earn a share of advertising revenue. However, the platform has begun to scrutinize the type of content that qualifies for monetization, with some users reporting that their payments have been stopped or significantly reduced.The crackdown on low-quality content comes as X prepares to float on US markets as part of Musk's SpaceX empire. The platform is seeking to maintain a high-quality user experience and attract advertisers by promoting valuable and original content.In response to the changes, some users have expressed support for the policy, with Candace Owens, a right-wing US commentator, commenting that 'this is a good policy'. Others, however, have expressed concern about the impact on their earnings and the lack of transparency in X's moderation process.

London's Metropolitan Police arrested 523 people aged 18 to 87 during a pro-Palestinian protest in Trafalgar Square, where demonstrators showed support for Palestine Action. The arrests were made for holding placards in support of the group, which was designated a 'terrorist' organisation in July, although a High Court ruling later overturned this ban due to free speech concerns. The protest, organised by Defend Our Juries, drew hundreds of participants who oppose what they describe as the UK government's complicity in Israel's actions in Gaza and the crackdown on peaceful protests. The group criticised police for making arrests despite the government's ban being ruled unlawful. Amnesty International UK condemned the arrests as 'yet another blow to civil liberties', highlighting that police resorted to mass arrests of people holding placards, including an elderly woman with walking sticks. The ban on Palestine Action, which aims to end global participation in Israel's regime, has generated significant backlash, with nearly 3,000 arrests occurring since its imposition. Protesters, including Freya, 28, and Denis MacDermot, 73, expressed their determination to continue opposing what they described as genocide. The Metropolitan Police confirmed the arrests as part of their effort to enforce the law, despite the legal complexities surrounding the ban on Palestine Action.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

A Russian court on Monday handed former Kursk governor Alexei Smirnov a 14‑year prison term in a penal colony after finding him guilty of corruption that left the region’s border defenses vulnerable during Ukraine’s August 2024 offensive. According to the verdict, the 52‑year‑old official accepted bribes from construction firms tasked with building anti‑tank barriers. Investigations revealed that the barriers were erected with substandard materials incapable of stopping Ukrainian armored units, directly contributing to the rapid advance of an estimated 11,000 Ukrainian soldiers into Kursk. The court also imposed a fine of 400 million roubles (≈ $4.9 million), confiscated more than 20 million roubles (≈ $220,000) from Smirnov’s assets, and barred him from any employment for ten years. Smirnov, who had been appointed governor in May 2024 and resigned in December of the same year, pleaded guilty and was subsequently detained. He claimed that his predecessor, Roman Starovoit, encouraged the practice of accepting kickbacks. Starovoit, later appointed transport minister, was dismissed by President Vladimir Putin in July 2025 and died under circumstances ruled as suicide. The incursion marked the first time in decades that foreign troops entered Russian soil, forcing an estimated 78,000 Russian soldiers to engage the Ukrainian force and exposing systemic weaknesses in Russia’s border security. The Kremlin responded with a sweeping crackdown on regional and military officials deemed responsible for the failure. Russian forces eventually expelled the Ukrainian units from Kursk in April 2025, reportedly with assistance from several thousand North Korean troops. The episode remains a diplomatic embarrassment for President Putin, highlighting the strategic and political fallout of corruption within Russia’s regional administrations.

British law enforcement detained seven individuals on suspicion of backing the outlawed Palestine Action movement during a peace encampment situated just outside the RAF Lakenheath airbase in eastern England, a facility regularly used by United States forces. The group, comprising five men and two women, joined other activists on Sunday to denounce the base’s alleged role as a launch point for U.S. aircraft participating in the ongoing US‑Israeli war against Iran. The protest was organized by the Lakenheath Alliance for Peace, which reported that those arrested were wearing apparel emblazoned with the slogan: “We oppose genocide, we support Palestine Action.” Police statements indicated the arrests were made “on suspicion of supporting a proscribed organisation,” referencing the Labour government’s decision last year to label Palestine Action a “terrorist” organisation, thereby criminalising any affiliation. Although a February court ruling deemed the ban “disproportionate” and an infringement on free‑speech rights, the government has appealed the decision, leaving the prohibition in force for the time being. According to the protest network Defend Our Juries, the crackdown on Palestine Action supporters has already resulted in **more than 2,700 arrests** and hundreds of charges, underscoring the scale of the UK’s enforcement campaign. Police emphasized their duty to apply the law “as it currently stands, not as it might be in the future,” while noting that two additional demonstrators were taken into custody on Saturday for allegedly obstructing public thoroughfares. In a related diplomatic flashpoint, former US President Donald Trump has publicly rebuked Prime Minister Keir Starmer for what he describes as insufficient backing of the US‑Israel war on Iran, straining the historically close UK‑US alliance. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom has granted the United States permission to employ British bases for “defensive” operations aimed at Iran and to safeguard the strategic Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which roughly 20 % of global oil supplies transit during peacetime.

The United States has revoked the permanent residency of two women identified as relatives of the late Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, the former head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps foreign arm.According to a State Department statement released on Saturday, Hamideh Soleimani Afshar—Soleimani’s niece—and her daughter were arrested on Friday night and are now in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which is seeking their removal from the country.The decision has sparked a debate over the limits of free‑speech protections in the United States and whether family members should be penalised for the actions or affiliations of their relatives.In its release, the State Department described Afshar as “an outspoken supporter of the totalitarian, terrorist regime in Iran,” adding that such rhetoric would not be tolerated under the Trump administration. The statement read: “The Trump Administration will not allow our country to become a home for foreign nationals who support anti‑American terrorist regimes.”Iranian media, however, quoted Afshar’s daughter, Zeinab Soleimani, who denied any connection to the late Quds Force leader, stating, “The individuals arrested in the United States have no connection whatsoever to martyr Soleimani, and the claim made by the US State Department is false.”The arrests occur at the five‑week mark of the U.S.‑Israel war on Iran, which began on February 28, 2026.This is the second known instance this month that the Trump administration has stripped legal immigration status from individuals allegedly linked to senior Iranian figures.Secretary of State Marco Rubio took to social media to claim credit for the action, writing, “This week, I terminated both Afshar and her daughter’s legal status.” He added that Afshar had “celebrated attacks on Americans and referred to our country as the ‘Great Satan.’”The State Department also highlighted Afshar’s “lavish lifestyle” in Los Angeles and noted that her husband has been barred from entering the United States.Similar pressure was applied earlier this month to Fatemeh Ardeshir‑Larijani, the daughter of the late Iranian official Ali Larijani. Both she and her husband, Seyed Kalantar Motamedi, had their U.S. immigration status revoked and were prohibited from re‑entering the country. Larijani, a former head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on March 17.The moves reflect growing influence from conservative politicians and activists demanding the expulsion of individuals with familial ties to Iran’s leadership.Far‑right influencer and Trump ally Laura Loomer claimed she had reported Afshar to the State Department and thanked Rubio, calling the removal a “big scalp.” An online petition on Change.org, launched two months ago, had already gathered more than 4,000 signatures calling for Afshar’s deportation.Ardeshir‑Larijani, who previously worked in oncology at Emory University’s School of Medicine, became a target of protests after Iran’s crackdown on anti‑government demonstrators in December and January. A separate Change.org petition demanding her deportation amassed 157,017 signatures by Saturday.The petition emphasized her familial links to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the war, arguing that while she lives peacefully in the U.S., “countless young Iranians are dying in Iran due to the policies and decisions made by Ali Khamenei and his inner circle, including her father.”U.S. Congressman Earl “Buddy” Carter of Georgia echoed the call, urging that Ardeshir‑Larijani’s medical license be revoked. He wrote, “America’s medical institutions must not serve as a safe harbor for individuals connected by blood and loyalty to regimes that openly call for the death of Americans.”According to Emory’s student newspaper, The Emory Wheel, Ardeshir‑Larijani was no longer employed by the university as of January.