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Three longtime FBI special agents—Michelle Ball, Jamie Garman and Blaire Toleman—have initiated a class‑action lawsuit asserting that they were dismissed without cause in October and November 2025 as part of a "retribution campaign" orchestrated by the Trump administration.The complaint, filed on Tuesday, contends that the termination letters, signed by FBI Director Kash Patel, falsely accused the agents of "weaponising" their positions and were intended to punish them for their work on a special‑counsel investigation into Donald Trump’s efforts to remain in power after the 2020 election.Each agent brings between eight and fourteen years of service to the case, underscoring their status as career, non‑partisan law‑enforcement professionals. In their statement, they emphasized that they "took an oath to uphold the Constitution" and that their removal "without due process" constitutes a "profound injustice" that threatens the apolitical nature of federal policing.The lawsuit references a 48‑page complaint that details how the agents were abruptly terminated after being assigned to support Special Counsel Jack Smith’s probe, which ultimately led to Trump’s 2023 indictment for alleged illegal attempts to overturn his electoral defeat. Although that case was later dropped following Trump’s 2024 re‑election—citing a DOJ policy barring prosecution of sitting presidents—the agents argue that the subsequent firings were retaliatory.Legal analysts note that the suit could set a precedent for other former law‑enforcement officials who claim they were ousted for perceived disloyalty. A separate group of twelve ex‑FBI employees previously sued over alleged wrongful termination after kneeling during a 2020 protest, highlighting a broader pattern of disputes over political interference.By alleging that the administration’s actions "impugned the professional reputation" of the plaintiffs and the broader class of agents, the filing seeks not only reinstatement but also damages for defamation and wrongful termination.

FIFA President Gianni Infantino declared on Tuesday that Iran will fulfill its World Cup 2026 fixtures in the United States as originally planned, reinforcing the governing body’s commitment to a schedule that includes all qualified teams. The Iranian Football Federation had earlier announced that it was negotiating with FIFA to shift its group‑stage matches from U.S. venues to Mexico, citing safety concerns stemming from the war involving the United States and Israel that began on February 28. Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum offered her country’s readiness to host Iran’s first‑round games if a relocation became necessary, highlighting regional solidarity. According to the tournament draw, Iran’s Group G campaign will open in Los Angeles on June 15 against New Zealand, followed by a clash with Belgium in the same city on June 21, and a final group match versus Egypt in Seattle on June 27. The war’s outbreak had cast doubt on Iran’s participation, prompting Infantino to address concerns during halftime of Iran’s friendly against Costa Rica in Turkey. He told AFP, “Iran will be at the World Cup… That’s why we’re here,” and praised the team’s quality. Infantino also referenced assurances allegedly given by former U.S. President Donald Trump that the Iranian squad would be welcome, though Trump later warned that the team should not travel “for their own life and safety.” Iran responded firmly, stating that “no one can exclude Iran’s national team from the World Cup.” In a March 19 online FIFA Council meeting, Infantino reaffirmed the organization’s stance: “FIFA is committed to ensuring the World Cup proceeds as scheduled with all teams participating,” adding that football can serve as a bridge for peace even when geopolitical conflicts lie beyond its control. Iran’s recent friendly against Nigeria in Belek, Turkey, featured players wearing black armbands and carrying school rucksacks to honor victims of a tragic air strike on a primary school in Minab on February 28, which killed at least 170 people. The New York Times reported that a U.S. Tomahawk cruise missile mistakenly hit the school, according to preliminary military findings. These gestures underscore the intersection of sport and geopolitics, as the global football community strives to maintain the tournament’s integrity while acknowledging the human cost of ongoing conflicts.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has announced that he will ask US mediators to convey his proposal for an Easter ceasefire to Russia. This offer aims to suspend attacks on Ukraine's energy facilities during the Easter holidays.Zelenskyy made this statement on the sidelines of an event marking the fourth anniversary of Ukraine's Bucha massacre. He plans to discuss this proposal with US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner in online talks scheduled for Wednesday.“I will definitely convey this proposal to the United States,” Zelenskyy said. “We are ready for a ceasefire for the Easter holidays … We are ready for any compromises, except compromises involving our dignity and sovereignty.”Earlier, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov responded coolly to Zelenskyy's previous mention of an energy truce, stating that they hadn't seen any clearly formulated initiatives for an Easter truce from Zelenskyy.Zelenskyy's offer comes after he mentioned that some of Ukraine's allies had sent signals about potentially scaling back long-range strikes on Russia's oil sector due to surging global energy prices.Ukraine has escalated its attacks on Russian energy to prevent Russia from benefiting from high oil prices and easing sanctions. In return, Zelenskyy stated that Ukraine is ready to reciprocate if Russia stops attacking the Ukrainian energy system.The US, Russia, and Ukraine have held three rounds of high-level trilateral talks this year, but progress has been stalled, particularly on the issue of territory in eastern Ukraine. Russia insists that Ukraine cede control of the Donbas region, which Zelenskyy has refused to consider.Zelenskyy also mentioned that Russia has told the US it could conquer the remainder of the Donbas region in two months, but Kyiv believes it can continue defending its "fortress belt" of industrial towns and cities in the Donbas for years.

Amid the escalating United States‑Israel confrontation with Iran, parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as an unexpected voice on financial strategy, posting a series of warnings on X that market‑moving headlines are often engineered to trigger profit‑taking. Ghalibaf’s core advice is simple yet provocative: if a headline inflates prices, bet against it; if it drags prices down, go long. He describes pre‑market news bursts as a “reverse indicator” designed to manipulate investors. His posts are laced with sarcasm, referencing alleged manipulation of oil futures and even joking about turning rhetoric into “actual fuel at the pump.” Behind the humor, analysts say, lies a calculated effort to exploit the overlap between digital propaganda and real‑world conflict. The backdrop to Ghalibaf’s messaging is Iran’s use of asymmetric warfare, notably the brief shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments pass. The closure sent crude prices soaring and heightened economic pressure worldwide, underscoring Tehran’s ability to influence U.S. markets by targeting critical supply routes. On March 22, Ghalibaf warned financial institutions that support U.S. military financing in the Middle East, declaring that U.S. Treasury bonds are “soaked in Iranians’ blood” and that their portfolios were under surveillance. Economist Jo Michell of the University of the West of England observes that falling equity markets, rising energy costs, and higher interest rates could eventually force President Donald Trump to seek a diplomatic exit from the conflict. Michell notes that Trump often delivers his most aggressive statements over weekends when markets are closed, only to retreat before the opening bell—a pattern traders have dubbed TACO (“Trump always chickens out”). Indeed, when Trump’s original 48‑hour deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz loomed, he extended it by five days and later pledged a further 10‑day pause on attacks against Iranian energy infrastructure, actions that analysts interpret as deliberate market signaling. Middle‑East specialist Zeidon Alkinani explains that the conflict’s volatility creates new leverage points beyond direct price manipulation. Even light‑hearted rhetoric from officials like Ghalibaf can exacerbate market instability, as investors scramble for any hint of the war’s trajectory. In this environment, uncertainty itself becomes a powerful market driver. Alkinani stresses that the significance of the Strait of Hormuz now extends beyond physical oil flow disruptions; it reshapes investor expectations and amplifies the impact of digital messaging, especially given Trump’s high‑visibility online presence. Overall, Ghalibaf’s social‑media campaign illustrates how Tehran is blending military pressure with information warfare, turning market sentiment into an additional front of the broader geopolitical struggle.

Qatar’s foreign ministry announced that Iran’s recent assaults have crossed numerous red lines and stressed the urgent need for de‑escalation amid the ongoing US‑Israel war with Tehran.During a Tuesday press briefing, spokesperson Majed al‑Ansari warned that Iranian attacks on Qatar are having a catastrophic impact on bilateral relations.Al‑Ansari appealed to every combatant to refrain from targeting nuclear or energy infrastructure, cautioning that any further escalation will mean more losses for all parties.Since the joint US‑Israel offensive began at the end of February, Iran has struck a string of regional states—including Iraq, Syria, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, Jordan and Kuwait—despite none being directly involved in the conflict.While Tehran maintains that its operations target only U.S. assets in the region, the affected nations report damage to civilian infrastructure such as airports, power plants and ports, alongside civilian casualties.Qatar, a longtime mediator in Middle‑East disputes, clarified that it is not part of Pakistan’s diplomatic effort to end the war, though it continues “ongoing communications with all parties, including mediators and other regional players.” The Qatari side added that it fully supports Pakistan’s peace initiative and hopes it will yield lasting stability.In recent developments, Pakistan hosted a four‑nation dialogue with Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to discuss ending the war and reopening the Strait of Hormuz. Together with China, Pakistan unveiled a five‑point initiative calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities, protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iran and Gulf states, safety of non‑military targets, secure shipping lanes—including the strategic Strait of Hormuz—and a durable peace grounded in the United Nations charter and international law.U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reiterated that while diplomatic channels remain active, the United States is keeping the option of military escalation on the table.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told Al Jazeera that Tehran has been exchanging messages with the United States, either directly or via regional partners, as the US‑Israel war on Iran continues. He emphasized that these contacts do not constitute formal negotiations. "I receive messages from US special envoy Steve Witkoff directly, as before, and this does not mean that we are in negotiations," Araghchi said. He added that all communications are routed through the Foreign Ministry or security agencies, and there is no truth to claims of active talks with any US party. Reflecting on past diplomatic experience, Araghchi recalled a previous agreement—referring to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—that the United States later abandoned. "We do not have any faith that negotiations with the US will yield results; the trust level is at zero," he asserted. President Masoud Pezeshkian echoed the skepticism, stating that the US "does not believe in diplomacy" after Iran was attacked twice during prior negotiations. In a phone call with European Council President Antonio Costa, Pezeshkian said Iran possesses the "necessary will" to end the war, but insists on guarantees to prevent further aggression. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth countered, saying Washington aims to secure a deal that would end the conflict and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, yet remains prepared to "negotiate with bombs" if needed. Addressing the strategic waterway, Araghchi noted that the strait lies within Oman’s and Iran’s territorial waters and can be used strategically. "Only for the ships of those who are at war with us, this strait is closed. That is normal during war," he explained, adding that some nations avoid the route due to security concerns and high insurance costs, while others have negotiated access. He warned that any post‑war arrangement for the strait will be decided jointly by Oman and Iran, with the potential to transform it into a "peaceful waterway." Regarding rumors of a possible US ground operation, Araghchi said Tehran is unafraid: "We are waiting for them. I don’t think they’d dare to do such a thing. There will be a lot of strength waiting for them." He affirmed Iran’s readiness to repel any ground attack. The foreign minister clarified that Iran has neither responded to nor submitted any counter‑proposals to the US 15‑point plan aimed at ending the war. The proposal, according to earlier reports, calls for Iran to renounce the acquisition of nuclear weapons and to limit its missile stockpile in range and quantity. Araghchi concluded that Iran will only accept an end to all attacks in the region, not merely a ceasefire, underscoring the country's firm stance amid ongoing hostilities.

More than two years into Israel's war on Gaza, thousands of families remain in limbo, torn between unverified deaths and secret detentions.In a partially destroyed home in Khan Younis, Tahrir Abu Mady clings to the charred walls that echo the memory of her missing children.Her 20‑year‑old daughter, Malak, a university student and volunteer nurse at Nasser Hospital, vanished after briefly returning home with her 18‑year‑old brother Yousef when Israeli ground forces entered the city in 2024.Forensic teams later recovered human remains in the ruined house, prompting Gaza’s Ministry of Health to issue a death certificate for Malak, while Yousef’s fate stayed unknown.The story took a painful turn when a list of Palestinian detainees released by former prisoners included Malak’s name, marked only with “No information available,” reigniting Tahrir’s anguish.Seeking answers, Tahrir tried to hire a lawyer in Umm al‑Fahm to trace her daughter within the Israeli prison system, but prohibitive legal fees made the effort impossible.Human‑rights groups warn that Malak’s case is far from unique. Israeli forces have detained thousands of Gazans in undisclosed locations, often without charge or legal representation.Euro‑Med Human Rights Monitor researcher Maha al‑Husseini estimates around 3,000 people have been forcibly disappeared, many of whom may be dead or imprisoned, with Israeli authorities refusing to provide any information.Families are left in a state of suspended grief, unable to properly mourn or advocate for their loved ones.Today, Tahrir lives between an official death certificate and a name on a smuggled prisoner list, writing on the scarred walls: “We are still waiting for you, Malak … our white coat girl.”

Islamabad – Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will travel to Beijing, reaffirming the “all‑weather strategic cooperative partnership” between the two nations, according to the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs.The visit follows a high‑profile quadrilateral meeting in Islamabad that brought together foreign ministers from Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, all aiming to coax the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table amid a war that has already spiked global energy prices.Despite a recent hairline shoulder fracture, Dar pressed on with the trip, signalling the urgency of Pakistan’s diplomatic push. In a March 27 call, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s “untiring efforts to cool down the situation,” a sentiment echoed by spokesperson Mao Ning, who said China is ready to “enhance communication… for a cease‑fire and peace in the region.”Analysts argue the mission is less about collecting praise and more about testing whether Beijing will move from rhetoric to concrete action in the US‑Iran mediation. The central question: can China become an active partner rather than a silent observer?Former Wilson Center fellow Baqir Sajjad Syed explains that Dar will brief Chinese leaders on the recent Islamabad quadrilateral and seek to turn five draft principles – immediate ceasefire, resumption of talks, civilian protection, maritime security, and UN Charter compliance – into a binding framework.Pakistani scholars view the outreach as classic intermediary behaviour: Pakistan leverages China’s permanent‑member status to stay relevant, while China, unlike the United States, mainly engages with Gulf states and Tehran.Iran specialist Vali Nasr suggested Tehran may be looking for a Chinese “guarantor” for any US‑Iran deal, a premise disputed by professor Ishtiaq Ahmad, who calls the expectation “analytically weak” given China’s reluctance to back a declining regime.The strategic stakes are stark. The Strait of Hormuz moves roughly 20 % of global oil. Kpler data show China imported about 1.38 million barrels per day of Iranian crude in 2025 – roughly 12 % of its total oil imports. The IEA estimates 15 million barrels per day passed through the strait in 2025, with China and India accounting for 44 % of that flow.China‑Iran trade hit about $41.2 billion in 2025, and a 2021 25‑year strategic cooperation pact promised up to $400 billion in Chinese investment for discounted Iranian oil, much of which remains unrealised due to U.S. sanctions.Syed describes China’s motivations as “clear and self‑interested”: protecting energy security, safeguarding Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China‑Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and bolstering its image as a global peace broker. A prolonged war would hurt China’s economy through higher oil prices and disrupted trade routes.While Beijing is unlikely to deploy military forces, it may employ diplomatic tools – public endorsements, joint statements, and economic levers – to push for a cease‑fire. Its pragmatic stance means it will weigh the benefits of deeper involvement against the risk of being drawn into a conflict.The diplomatic backdrop includes a postponed Trump visit to Beijing and a slated summit for mid‑May, as well as a future Xi‑to‑U.S. trip, which observers say could signal a broader alignment between the two great powers.Meanwhile, the United States continues to amass forces in the Gulf, with thousands of Marines and Army troops positioned for possible ground operations, underscoring the volatility that Pakistan and China are trying to mitigate.In sum, Dar’s Beijing mission tests whether China will remain a passive supporter or become an active broker in a war that threatens global energy markets and regional stability.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.