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Gabriele Gravina, the head of Italy's football federation (FIGC), has resigned following the men's national team's failure to qualify for the World Cup for a third consecutive time. This decision comes after a meeting at the FIGC's headquarters in Rome on Thursday.Gravina's resignation was announced a day after Sport Minister Andrea Abodi called for his departure. Italy's national team lost to Bosnia and Herzegovina in a penalty shootout during the playoffs on Tuesday, securing their absence from this year's World Cup in the United States, Canada, and Mexico.The FIGC has scheduled a vote for a new president on June 22. Giovanni Malago, the former head of the Italian National Olympic Committee, is reportedly among the candidates. Additionally, head coach Gennaro Gattuso and general manager Gianluigi Buffon are expected to step down.Italy's football crisis prompted Abodi to state that the sport needs to be rebuilt from the ground up, starting with changes at the top of the FIGC. Gravina had previously acknowledged that Italian football is in a profound crisis.During his tenure, which began in 2018, Gravina oversaw Italy's Euro 2020 triumph under Roberto Mancini. However, two World Cup qualification failures and a disappointing European title defense led to his resignation.Italy's football woes extend beyond the national team, with Serie A clubs not winning the Champions League since 2010. The country's hosting rights for Euro 2032, which it will cohost with Turkey, are also under scrutiny due to concerns over stadium infrastructure.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

The United States has lifted sanctions against Venezuela's interim President Delcy Rodriguez, following her assumption of power after the abduction and imprisonment of her predecessor, Nicolas Maduro.The US Department of the Treasury updated its website to reflect Rodriguez's removal from the Specially Designated Nationals List, easing restrictions that had been in place since 2018.Rodriguez welcomed the decision, calling it a positive step towards normalizing relations between Venezuela and the US. She also urged the US to lift additional sanctions on Venezuelan entities and individuals.The move is seen as part of a shift in US-Venezuela relations, with Rodriguez taking a conciliatory approach to engage with the US. This includes efforts to open Venezuela's economy to greater outside investment, particularly in the oil and mining sectors.However, critics have raised concerns about the circumstances under which these reforms have progressed, given the US's continued pressure on Venezuela and the international community's concerns about human rights abuses in the country.The US embassy in Caracas has resumed operations after a seven-year closure, and international organizations like the United Nations have highlighted ongoing human rights issues in Venezuela.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

OpenAI, the parent company of ChatGPT, has made a significant move into the media business by acquiring TBPN, a technology-focused talkshow closely watched by Silicon Valley insiders. The show, hosted by John Coogan and Jordi Hays, broadcasts live for three hours every weekday from Los Angeles, featuring guests such as founders, venture capitalists, and major figures in the technology world. The acquisition is part of OpenAI's efforts to engage more authentically with the public at a pivotal moment for artificial intelligence. Fidji Simo, OpenAI's chief of strategy, stated that the company aims to create a space for real, constructive conversation about the changes AI creates. She emphasized that TBPN will continue to run its programming, choose its guests, and make its own editorial decisions, ensuring its credibility is maintained. TBPN is known for its unique ritual where guests announce their latest fundraising haul, accompanied by the hosts banging a gong. The show is broadcast on X, YouTube, and Spotify, and will continue to air daily at its regular time. Coogan expressed his excitement about the acquisition, calling it a 'full circle moment' given his longstanding ties to OpenAI's chief executive, Sam Altman, who funded his first company in 2013. This strategic move comes on the heels of OpenAI closing a $122 billion funding round amid the AI boom, highlighting the company's growing influence and investment in the technology sector.

Blue Owl Capital, a leading private credit investment firm, has imposed a cap on withdrawals after investors attempted to redeem $5.4bn from two of its key funds. This move comes as a sign of dwindling confidence in the unregulated lending market.The New York-based firm revealed in filings that investors sought to withdraw 21.9% of the $20bn Credit Income Corp fund and 40.7% of its $3bn tech lending fund between January and March.The surge in redemption requests is attributed to growing concerns over potentially risky loans arranged by private credit firms, which operate outside the traditional regulated banking system. These firms are seen as particularly exposed to the AI spending boom.To manage the outflow, Blue Owl will limit withdrawals to 5% of the value of each fund per quarter. The firm stated that this decision was made to balance the interests of both withdrawing and remaining shareholders.Despite the increase in withdrawal requests, Blue Owl emphasized that underlying credit fundamentals across its portfolio have remained resilient. The firm attributed the surge in withdrawals to a period of heightened negative sentiment toward the asset class.The private credit industry has faced growing scrutiny over potentially weak lending standards, following a series of company failures, including Tricolor and First Brands. Regulators and industry experts have warned of potential ripple effects that could impact high street banks.The Bank of England's governor, Andrew Bailey, has cautioned against dismissing recent private credit failures as isolated incidents, citing concerns over transparency and potential risks across the sector.

FIFA's failure to agree on a blanket tax exemption with the US government has left more than half of the World Cup-qualified countries facing additional costs and potential losses. The tax burden will disproportionately affect smaller national associations without a tax treaty with the US.Of the 48 World Cup qualifiers, only 18 countries have signed a double taxation agreement (DTA) with the US, exempting them from federal taxes. These countries are mostly from Europe, with a few exceptions like Australia, Egypt, Morocco, and South Africa.Smaller countries like Curaçao and Cape Verde, making their tournament debut, will face a larger tax liability compared to teams from countries with DTAs, such as England and France. The US federal corporate tax rate stands at 21%, and higher-rate taxpayers, including international footballers and coaches, face an income tax rate of 37%.“The teams that come from more advanced, sophisticated jurisdictions that have a tax treaty with the US, such as England and Spain, will have much lower costs than smaller countries,” said Oriana Morrison, a tax consultant.The situation is further complicated by varying state taxation levels in the US, with no state tax in Florida, 10.75% in New Jersey, and 13.3% in California. Canada and Mexico have granted tax exemptions to all associations, benefiting teams with group games in those countries.FIFA has declined to comment but sources indicate they are working with national associations to provide help and assistance on tax issues.

Fifa has announced a substantial increase in the top ticket price for the World Cup final, setting it at $10,990 for this year's tournament. This marks a significant jump from the $1,600 price tag for the 2022 World Cup final.The price hike is part of Fifa's dynamic pricing model, which adjusts ticket prices based on demand. This approach has been widely criticized for potentially pricing out fans and contradicting Fifa's mission to promote accessible and inclusive soccer globally.The increase in ticket prices has sparked concerns among fans and politicians. 69 Democratic members of US Congress wrote to Fifa's president, Gianni Infantino, expressing their concerns about the financial exclusionary nature of dynamic pricing.In contrast, Infantino has praised the sales process, stating that Fifa received a record number of requests, equivalent to "the request for 1,000 years of World Cups at once." The World Cup is set to take place in cities across the US, Mexico, and Canada, with the final on July 19 in New Jersey.The new batch of tickets released includes the final and 17 group stage matches, with additional tickets to be made available on a rolling basis. Fifa will also take a 15% cut from both buyers and sellers on the resale market.

The Unicorn Theatre's production of 'A Midsummer Night's Dream' is a playful and punchy adaptation of Shakespeare's romantic comedy, made accessible to a young audience. Co-directors Rachel Bagshaw and Robin Belfield have trimmed down the original language while incorporating slapstick comedy and playful captions.The production feels like the start of a brilliant venture, still finding its feet. The editing is smart, but could have been more radical. The framing story in Athens has been cut down but not excised, making it harder to understand.The magical elements are kept low-key and gently engaging, with Titania's fairies conjured up using childlike voiceovers, Holly Khan's delicate soundscape, and Will Monks' entrancing word projections. Joséphine-Fransilja Brookman's Puck is an impish schoolkid who climbs up balconies, jumps on tyre swings, and causes mischief.The standout star is Emmy Stonelake as Bottom, a natural comic and talented Shakespearean who raises big laughs without compromising the language. When Bottom is turned into a donkey, Stonelake cries out: “This is to make an ass of me!” and is met with big laughs and heavy sighs.The most lucid and enjoyable scenes are those with the rude mechanicals as they rehearse their (terrible) play. There's a whiff of the CBeebies panto to these encounters, with the actors dressed in neon costumes and delivering their gags with gusto. The hard-working ensemble jump from playing heartsick lovers to hammy actors with real aplomb.At the Unicorn theatre, London, until 10 May.