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Online betting platform Polymarket has come under fire for allowing users to wager on the fate of US pilots shot down in Iran. The platform has since halted the bets and promised to investigate how they were allowed to happen. The controversy began when US Representative Seth Moulton publicly denounced the practice, calling it 'DISGUSTING' that people were betting on the pilots' rescue while search efforts were still underway. Moulton, a veteran of the US Marine Corps, expressed his outrage on social media platform X. The incident involved an F-15E Strike Eagle jet shot down by Iranian military forces, with one pilot rescued within seven hours and the other rescued on Sunday, as announced by Donald Trump on his Truth Social platform. Polymarket initially allowed users to bet on the timing of the rescues, with most wagers predicting they would occur by Saturday. However, after Moulton's criticism, the platform quickly removed the market, stating it did not meet their integrity standards and vowed to investigate. Moulton did not stop there, calling on Polymarket to deactivate hundreds of other war-related wagers, accusing the company of having 'severely lacking' integrity standards. He also mentioned that Donald Trump Jr, the president's oldest son, is an investor in Polymarket, which Moulton referred to as a 'dystopian death market'. This incident is not the first time Polymarket has faced scrutiny. In March, some users generated international headlines by sending threatening messages to an Israeli journalist after betting on a missile strike near Jerusalem. The controversy surrounding prediction markets like Polymarket has drawn congressional attention, with lawmakers introducing proposals to ban betting on certain topics, including sports, government actions, and events 'ripe for rigging'. US Senator Chris Murphy stated that such markets risk 'corrupting the soul of America' by turning life-and-death events into financial products.

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.

The United States has long honored past presidents by naming airports, dams and monuments after them, but President Donald Trump is pushing the practice to an extreme, seeking to become the most commemorated leader in American history. Less than a year and a half into his second term, Trump’s brand has proliferated across government buildings, federal agencies and even consumer platforms. In February, the administration unveiled TrumpRx, a prescription‑drug website that listed only 43 medications—most of which are available as cheaper generics elsewhere—yet proudly displayed the former president’s signature and logo. Just weeks later, the White House and the U.S. Navy announced a new "Trump class" of battleships, billed as the "largest ever built." A Pentagon release noted that the Navy has not used battleships in combat for 35 years, suggesting the project is more a vanity exercise than a strategic necessity. Federal institutions have not been spared. In December 2025 the U.S. Institute of Peace was renamed the "Donald J. Trump United States Institute of Peace," a move the White House framed as a reminder of "strong leadership" for global stability—just weeks before the administration launched a military strike on Iran. Trump’s influence extended to the arts when, in February 2025, he appointed a new board to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and installed himself as chair. The board voted in December to rename the venue the "Donald J. Trump and John F. Kennedy Center," a change that immediately faced a legal challenge. Republican lawmakers have largely embraced the naming spree. One congressman introduced legislation to carve Trump’s likeness onto Mount Rushmore, while another proposed naming a major airport after him, underscoring the party’s willingness to reward the president’s personal brand. Political scientist Steven Levitsky of Harvard warned that Trump operates "unconstrained" by advisers or party elders, noting that today’s Republican ambition often hinges on pleasing the president, including attaching his name to public projects. Visual propaganda has also surged. Giant banners bearing Trump’s image now hang from the Department of Justice and the Department of Labor buildings, a rarity for a sitting president and a practice more typical of authoritarian regimes, according to Princeton sociologist Kim L. Scheppele. Beyond buildings, the administration has pursued numismatic honors. A 24‑karat gold coin featuring Trump standing over a desk was approved by a hand‑picked arts commission, and drafts of a new $1 coin displayed an air‑brushed profile of the former president. The Treasury Department announced that Trump’s signature will appear on U.S. paper currency later this year, a move Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described as a "powerful way to recognize historic achievements" of the nation. Critics argue that the public does not share the president’s enthusiasm. The 2026 National Parks Pass, which traditionally showcases natural scenery, sparked outrage when a draft featured Trump’s stern face with a spectral George Washington behind him. A cottage industry of stickers emerged to cover the image, forcing the National Park Service to warn that such alterations could void the pass. White House spokesperson Davis Ingle defended the branding, claiming it reflects Trump’s “vast accomplishments,” including the largest tax cut in history and border security measures. Yet scholars and opponents contend that the relentless self‑promotion blurs the line between public service and personal aggrandizement. As the branding campaign continues, legal challenges, public pushback, and questions about fiscal priorities suggest that Trump’s quest to name everything after himself may soon encounter more than just decorative resistance.

Iranian military units have launched a coordinated search for the two pilots of a United States F‑15 fighter jet that was struck by an Iranian air‑defence system over the country's southwest region. The operation, reported by the state‑run Fars news agency, is the first documented crew‑recovery effort since the US‑Israeli war with Iran began on 28 February. State media released images showing the aircraft's wreckage, including an ejection seat attached to a parachute, underscoring the seriousness of the incident. Reuters cited two U.S. officials confirming that a fighter jet was downed and that a search‑and‑rescue mission is underway for any survivors. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad‑Bagher Ghalibaf used the event to mock President Donald Trump’s repeated claims of victory, posting on social media that the conflict had been reduced from "regime change" to a plea for the location of the pilots. According to Iranian reports, the downed aircraft was an F‑15 likely crewed by two pilots. The Pentagon and U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) have not issued an immediate comment, a pattern consistent with past Iranian claims that CENTCOM swiftly denied. Local Iranian television broadcast footage of the jet's debris, and officials appealed to civilians to remain vigilant for any survivors. The governor of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer‑Ahmad province announced that anyone who captures the crew would receive special commendation, as relayed by the semi‑official ISNA news agency. U.S. lawmakers responded with statements of support. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer posted on X, "I’m praying for the safe return of the crew aboard the fighter jet and all of those working to rescue them in these dangerous conditions." Since the war's onset, the United States has reported the loss of three F‑15s in a friendly‑fire incident over Kuwait and a refuelling aircraft that crashed in Iraq, killing six crew members. Iran, meanwhile, claims to have downed dozens of U.S. drones and continues to assert that its new air‑defence system, introduced after the 12‑day war, remains operational. While President Trump and his advisers repeatedly assert that the United States has neutralised Iran’s air‑defences, the downing of the jet and the ensuing search highlight the ongoing volatility of the conflict.

The 12‑member National Capital Planning Commission, the agency that reviews construction on federal sites in Washington, D.C., voted on Thursday to approve President Donald Trump’s proposal for a massive ballroom at the White House. The project envisions a 90,000‑square‑foot (8,400‑square‑metre) space on the site of the East Wing, which Trump ordered demolished in October. Commission chair Will Scharf, a former personal lawyer to the president, said the ballroom could eventually be regarded as a "national treasure" comparable to other iconic White House components. However, the approval comes at a time when a U.S. District Judge has blocked further work pending explicit congressional authorization. Judge Richard Leon warned that while the president is the steward of the White House for future First Families, he is not its owner, emphasizing that major construction projects require legislative consent. Trump responded on social media, insisting the ballroom is funded by private donations and that past White House projects never needed congressional approval. Financially, the ballroom’s estimated cost has ballooned to roughly $400 million, double the $200 million figure cited by the White House in July 2025. Trump has pledged to complete the venue before the end of his term in early 2029, relying on contributions from wealthy donors—a point critics argue could create undue influence over the administration. Public sentiment appears overwhelmingly negative. Democracy advocate Jon Golinger of Public Citizen remarked, "The American people have weighed in on this project, and they hate it." The commission’s vote was delayed from March after a surge of public comments, the majority of which opposed the construction. Despite the commission’s endorsement, the ballroom’s future remains uncertain. The judge’s ruling underscores that without a congressional green light, the project cannot legally move forward, setting the stage for a continued clash between the White House, lawmakers, and the public over the use of the nation’s most symbolic residence.

US President Donald Trump has announced the dismissal of Pam Bondi as US Attorney General, marking his second major cabinet-level shake-up in less than a month. The decision comes amid controversy surrounding Bondi's handling of investigative files related to financier and convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.Trump confirmed the decision on Truth Social, stating that Bondi would be transitioning to a new role in the private sector. He praised Bondi, a longtime supporter, for her service during a period of decreasing violent crime in the US. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche will temporarily replace Bondi.The move has raised concerns about the politicization of the Department of Justice, particularly given Bondi's close alignment with Trump's agenda. Critics argue that this has led to politically motivated prosecutions, including investigations into Trump's opponents. Bondi had also faced criticism for her handling of the Epstein files, with lawmakers accusing her of withholding documents.Trump's decision comes as the Department of Justice faces scrutiny over its independence and handling of high-profile cases. The firing has sparked reactions from Democrats, who have called for Bondi to be held accountable for her actions. Shontel Brown, a US Representative, stated that Bondi remains legally obligated to adhere to a subpoena from the House Oversight Committee, which continues to investigate Epstein.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

Closing the Strait of Hormuz has choked a vital artery that carries roughly one‑fifth of the world’s crude oil and LNG, sending energy prices soaring and unsettling global trade. Even if the waterway reopens tomorrow, analysts say the ripple effects will endure for months. Nils Haupt, senior director of corporate communications at German carrier Hapag‑Lloyd, told Al Jazeera that the end of hostilities does not equate to the end of logistics challenges. “Once the bombardments stop, the real work begins,” he said, noting that hundreds of vessels will scramble for berths in Persian Gulf ports, creating a prolonged bottleneck for containers and bulk cargo. According to the International Maritime Organization, about 2,000 ships are currently stranded because of Iran’s partial blockade, with only a handful of vessels from “friendly” nations granted passage. Maritime‑intelligence firm Windward estimates that roughly 400 of those ships are anchored in the Gulf of Oman, waiting for a green light. Diverted traffic has already forced many carriers to reroute via the Suez Canal or take the far longer Cape of Good Hope passage, inflating transit times and costs for shipments bound for Asia and Europe. Oil exports from Saudi Arabia are now being sent around the Red Sea, bypassing the strait entirely. Svein Ringbakken, managing director of the Norwegian Shipowners’ Mutual War Risks Association, cautioned that even with ports operating at full capacity, clearing the backlog of oil, gas and other goods will take months. He added that repeated attacks on regional energy and transport infrastructure have compounded the problem. The International Energy Agency reports that more than 40 energy assets across the Middle East have suffered “severe or very severe” damage, prompting companies such as QatarEnergy, Kuwait Petroleum Company and Bahrain’s Bapco Energies to declare force majeure. Beyond the immediate loss of flow, the shutdown has disrupted exports of petrochemicals, fertilisers and raw materials essential for plastics production, further straining global supply chains. Industry leaders warn that the risk landscape has fundamentally shifted. SV Anchan, chairman of US‑based logistics group Safesea, highlighted the rise of asymmetric threats, including unmanned vessel attacks, which have already accounted for at least 18 confirmed assaults since the conflict began. “A full reopening will only bring normalcy after a sustained period of stability and credible security guarantees,” Anchan said. Insurance costs have exploded as a result. Marco Forgione of the Chartered Institute of Export & International Trade noted that hull and cargo premiums have surged up to 300 %, a pressure point that could force shipping firms to curtail operations if rates remain high. Oscar Seikaly, CEO of NSI Insurance Group, stressed that war‑risk coverage will only normalize when a “truly permanent” security solution is in place, not a partial one. Recent data from Lloyd’s List show that a few vessels have managed to obtain Tehran’s permission to transit, with one ship reportedly paying $2 million for the right to pass. Iranian lawmakers have also moved to formalise transit fees for the strait. Nick Marro, lead global‑trade analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit, warned that the security guarantees demanded by shippers may be hard to meet, citing the volatile Red Sea experience where commercial traffic remains below pre‑2023 levels. Marro predicts that the Hormuz shutdown will accelerate a broader trend of route diversification, similar to the supply‑chain shifts triggered by the COVID‑19 pandemic. “Geopolitical uncertainty will become a permanent feature of risk management, not a temporary reaction,” he said. Seikaly echoed this outlook, suggesting that exporters will increasingly explore alternative corridors for strategic and political reasons, ultimately reducing traffic through the Strait of Hormuz over the long term.