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When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

AI‑Driven Power Race The AI boom is prompting the biggest wave of power‑infrastructure investment since the early days of cloud computing. Companies are scrambling to lock in natural‑gas supplies and build on‑site generators, a move that could reshape electricity markets in the southern United States. Scale of the Projects Microsoft is partnering with Chevron and Engine No. 1 to construct a natural‑gas plant in West Texas that could reach 5 GW of capacity. Google has confirmed a collaboration with Crusoe for a 933 MW plant in North Texas. Meta is adding seven more plants to its Hyperion data‑center complex in Louisiana, bringing total on‑site capacity to 7.46 GW—enough, the company notes, to power the entire state of South Dakota. Combined, these projects exceed 13 GW, roughly equivalent to the average electricity demand of a mid‑size U.S. state. Supply Constraints and Cost Pressures Wood Mackenzie warns that turbine prices have surged 195% versus 2019 levels. If a 2020 turbine cost $1 million, the same unit now costs about $2.95 million, inflating the equipment share of a plant’s budget from 20% to up to 30%. The consultancy also notes a six‑year lead time for turbine delivery, meaning new orders cannot be placed until 2028. This bottleneck could delay the rollout of additional capacity precisely when AI workloads are accelerating. Resource Availability and Market Risks The U.S. Geological Survey estimates that a single gas‑rich region holds enough supply to power the entire United States for 10 months. While abundant, production growth in the three leading shale basins—responsible for three‑quarters of U.S. output—has slowed, tightening the long‑term outlook. Natural gas accounts for about 40% of U.S. electricity generation (EIA). Consequently, any spike in gas prices reverberates through wholesale electricity markets, raising the cost of power for all consumers, not just data‑center operators. Strategic Risks for Tech Companies Behind‑the‑meter gas plants allow firms to claim “self‑supply,” but they merely shift demand from the public grid to the gas grid, potentially driving up wholesale gas prices. Industrial users—petrochemical plants, fertilizer manufacturers—cannot easily substitute gas with renewables, so they may push back against large‑scale data‑center consumption. Extreme weather, such as the 2021 Texas freeze, can curtail wellhead output, forcing a choice between keeping AI workloads online or supplying heat to households. In sum, the AI‑driven rush for natural‑gas power plants highlights a fundamental physical constraint: the digital economy still depends on finite, market‑sensitive energy resources. Betting heavily on a commodity that can swing dramatically in price may prove costly if AI growth plateaus or if gas supply tightens.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”

A federal judge has thrown out the majority of Blake Lively's claims against Justin Baldoni, her co-star and director of the domestic violence film It Ends With Us.In a court ruling on Thursday, Judge Lewis Liman dismissed 10 of the 13 claims in Lively's lawsuit against Baldoni, including claims of sexual harassment, conspiracy, and defamation. Only three claims will now be heard at trial: breach of contract, retaliation, and aiding and abetting in retaliation.The decision leaves Lively's case with a narrower focus, limited to her claims that Baldoni was behind a retaliatory campaign which shared and boosted negative stories about her online.“This case has always been and will remain focused on the devastating retaliation and the extraordinary steps the defendants took to destroy Blake Lively’s reputation because she stood up for safety on the set and that is the case that is going to trial,” Sigrid McCawley, an attorney for Lively, said in a statement.The case is set to go to trial in May after mediation failed last month.

Russia has pledged to continue providing assistance to Cuba, following the delivery of a Russian-flagged tanker carrying 730,000 barrels of oil to the island nation. This shipment marks the first crude oil delivery to Cuba in three months, providing much-needed relief to the country's struggling energy grid.Maria Zakharova, spokesperson for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stated that Cuba is Russia's closest friend and partner in the Caribbean, and that Russia will not abandon it. Zakharova also expressed solidarity with Cuba, calling for the US to lift its blockade on the independent sovereign state.The oil shipment, which arrived at the Bay of Matanzas, is expected to produce approximately 180,000 barrels of diesel, enough to meet Cuba's daily demand for nine or 10 days. This temporary reprieve comes as Cuba faces an energy crisis, exacerbated by the loss of Venezuelan oil supplies following the removal of President Nicolas Maduro in January.The energy crisis has led to frequent blackouts and brought hospitals, public transportation, and farm production to the brink of collapse. The Cuban government has welcomed the shipment, with Energy and Mines Minister Vicente de la O Levy expressing gratitude to Russia for its support.Russia's actions have drawn attention from the US, with President Donald Trump stating that he had 'no problem' with Russia sending oil to Cuba for humanitarian reasons. However, Trump also criticized Cuba's leadership, saying that the island nation's problems would not be solved by receiving oil shipments.

A Russian-flagged tanker, the Anatoly Kolodkin, has arrived in Cuba with a cargo of 730,000 barrels of oil, marking the first oil tanker to reach the island in three months. The vessel, under US sanctions, was permitted to deliver fuel for humanitarian reasons.The tanker docked in the Bay of Matanzas, Cuba's largest supertanker and fuel storage port, on Tuesday. Much of the nearby city and the majority of Cuba were without power when the tanker arrived. Cuba has been experiencing an energy crisis, with President Miguel Diaz-Canel stating that the country has not received an oil tanker in three months.The fuel shipment is expected to provide breathing room for Cuba's communist-run government amid growing pressure from the US. The crude on board will take days to process domestically and turn into motor fuel and refined products. The ship is carrying Russian Urals, a medium sour crude, suitable for Cuba's ageing refineries.Cuba produces only 40 percent of its required fuel and relies on imports to sustain its energy grid. Experts estimate that the anticipated shipment could produce about 180,000 barrels of diesel, enough to meet Cuba's daily demand for nine or 10 days.The arrival of the tanker has been welcomed by Cubans, including Energy and Mines Minister Vicente de la O Levy, who expressed gratitude to the Russian government and people for their support. The energy crisis in Cuba has led to long blackouts and severe shortages of food and medicine.

Energy crises do more than lift household bills; they can reshape an entire economy. In the 1970s the United Kingdom responded to oil shortages by expanding North Sea extraction and becoming a net energy exporter. Today, with a 10 million‑barrel‑per‑day supply deficit and a fifth of global LNG trade under strain, that strategy no longer offers security.The UK is now acutely vulnerable to volatile gas prices. Inflation expectations are rising, markets anticipate higher interest rates, and borrowing costs have surged to levels not seen since the 2008 financial crisis. The ripple effect is already evident in food markets, where inflation hit 3.3 % in February and could climb sharply within three months.New data reveal that the hundreds of North Sea licences granted since 2010 have added merely 36 days of extra gas production. Major oil majors such as BP are re‑emphasising oil and gas to reassure investors, while Shell continues aggressive share‑buy‑backs. The reality is clear: fossil‑fuel giants cannot be the rescue plan.Gas should no longer set the price floor for electricity. As the grid leans more on wind and solar, gas must be treated as a backup resource, compensated with a fixed or regulated price rather than wholesale market volatility. Research from University College London and Common Wealth outlines a practical model for this approach.Beyond market reforms, households need a safety net. An essential energy guarantee—a capped, affordable band of consumption for every home—mirrors schemes adopted in Austria, the Netherlands and Poland after the 2022 crisis and would be more targeted than the current blanket price‑support guarantee.Similarly, a protected basket of staple foods, backed by long‑term procurement and direct support for domestic producers, could stabilise prices. France’s 2023 anti‑inflation shopping‑basket experiment offers a template, and the UK already supplies over 60 % of its own food, though it remains dependent on imports for fruits, vegetables, rice and fertilisers.The long‑term solution lies in renewable power. Record wind generation this year has already reduced gas‑fired output, while consumer interest in solar panels, batteries and heat pumps is soaring. A typical solar‑plus‑battery system can slash a household’s electricity bill to under £2 per month, and electric‑vehicle owners can save more than £1,000 annually on fuel costs.To unlock these savings, the government must back financing mechanisms such as zero‑interest loans, subscription‑style purchases for solar and heat‑pump kits, and leasing schemes for electric vehicles. On a larger scale, a dual‑interest‑rate policy—standard rates for the broader economy and preferential, low‑cost funding for clean‑energy projects—could mirror the green‑lending models already used by China’s central bank and the Bank of Japan.In short, the United Kingdom faces a decisive moment. The 1970s taught that energy shocks can remake a nation; the question now is whether the UK will seize this crisis to protect living standards and build a resilient, low‑carbon energy system for the decades ahead.

London, United Kingdom – Civil‑rights organisations and supporters of the Palestine solidarity movement allege that the British state is employing intimidation tactics following the recent re‑arrest of two young pro‑Palestinian activists who were out on bail. On Monday, 21‑year‑old Qesser Zuhrah was detained at her Watford home after posting on social media urging people to take “direct action”. Counter‑terrorism police charged her with encouraging or assisting criminal damage, a charge tied to the online post. She was granted bail again on Tuesday and is scheduled to appear in court on 17 April. Four days earlier, 23‑year‑old Audrey Corno was arrested in south London by plain‑clothes officers who claimed she had tampered with her electronic tag – a breach of bail conditions she denies. Corno said officers emerged from an undercover vehicle parked outside her home and that her tag had been offline for only 20 minutes, a duration she could not have caused. Both activists were previously imprisoned for alleged involvement in separate 2024 raids on military‑hardware manufacturers linked to the Israeli war effort, actions claimed by the direct‑action group Palestine Action. Zuhrah is part of the “Filton 24” collective accused of breaking into an Elbit Systems UK weapons factory in Bristol, while Corno faced charges related to a break‑in at GRiD Defence Systems in Buckinghamshire. Although a High Court ruling in February declared the UK’s designation of Palestine Action as a “terrorist” organisation unlawful, the government is preparing an appeal, meaning public support for the group remains illegal for now. Naila Ahmed, head of campaigns at CAGE International, described Zuhrah’s re‑arrest as part of an “active repression” of pro‑Palestine voices, arguing that the legislation is being used to criminalise political speech and dissent. She called for the abolition of terrorism laws, saying they have historically served as tools of political control rather than public protection. Human Rights Watch has echoed these concerns, noting a “disproportionate targeting” of groups such as climate‑change activists and Palestine protesters, which undermines the right to protest without fear of harassment. The arrests occur amid escalating tension between the Metropolitan Police and Britain’s sizable Palestine solidarity movement. A large march is slated for Saturday in London, where demonstrators are expected to chant slogans like “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action”. The Met, which had paused mass arrests after the High Court decision, has recently reversed that policy, raising the likelihood of further detentions. In parallel, a court hearing is set for Wednesday involving Palestine Solidarity Campaign’s Ben Jamal and Stop the War Coalition’s Chris Nineham, who face accusations of breaching protest restrictions in January 2025. Public sentiment appears to be shifting: a YouGov poll found that one in three Britons express “no sympathy at all” for the Israeli side after the conflict has claimed over 72,000 lives and devastated the Gaza Strip. Critics argue that the Labour government, led by Keir Starmer, has intensified its crackdown on pro‑Palestine activism, citing a wave of arrests and the ongoing proscription of Palestine Action as evidence of a broader strategy to suppress dissent.