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The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

The English wine industry is undergoing a significant transformation, driven by advancements in growing methods and a changing climate. The Langham estate in Dorset, which began planting vines in 2009, has already produced award-winning wines that rival established European producers.Currently, the UK is home to over 1,100 registered vineyards, with production quadrupling since the turn of the century, according to property group Knight Frank. This growth has been fueled by new techniques and a shifting climate, which has made it possible to grow grapes commercially in Britain.Despite challenges posed by the climate crisis, including unreliable summers and disease affecting grape yields, the industry remains optimistic about its future. In 2025, English and Welsh producers reported their second-largest harvest on record, with 16.5m bottles produced, equivalent to 124,377 hectoliters.The industry is forecast to continue growing, with production expected to reach 25m-29m bottles by 2032 and the retail value of English and Welsh wines projected to reach £1bn by 2040. This growth has also led to an increase in employment, with around 10,000 people now employed in the UK wine industry, including 3,500 in full-time roles.Education and training are playing a crucial role in the industry's development, with institutions like Plumpton College in East Sussex offering courses in viticulture, winemaking, and hospitality. As the industry continues to mature, it is likely to provide even more opportunities for those interested in pursuing a career in wine.

A Guardian investigation published on 18 April 2026 reveals that staple foods across the UK and United States contain unexpected and occasionally unsafe components, from tiny insect fragments in spreads to cockroach‑infested coffee beans, raising fresh questions about food‑safety oversight and consumer transparency.While food processing can bring nutritional benefits, it also obscures the exact composition of many products. Chris Young, head of the Real Bread Campaign at Sustain, warns that each additive is tested in isolation but rarely examined for long‑term effects when combined in the modern diet. “The evidence base is limited, and history shows that some substances once deemed safe were later banned,” he says.Insect fragments are surprisingly common. US regulations permit up to 30 insect pieces per 100 g of peanut butter, 60 per 100 g of chocolate, and even two maggots per 100 g of tomato paste. The Food Standards Agency (FSA) in the UK, however, enforces a zero‑tolerance policy for visible contamination, triggering enforcement action when standards are breached. Estimates suggest the average American unintentionally consumes around 450 g of insects each year, a figure that would be alarming if not already part of many cultural diets.Coffee is another surprising vector. In the United States, up to 10 % of green coffee beans may be infested with insects before they are discarded, and remnants can survive processing into the final product. The more notorious threat is the coffee berry borer—a beetle that lays eggs inside coffee cherries—though its impact is less visible than stray cockroach fragments that occasionally appear in packaged coffee.Seafood is not exempt. The FSA mandates that fish intended for raw or lightly cooked dishes be frozen at –20 °C for at least 24 hours to eradicate parasites. Nevertheless, dead worms can still be present in smoked or pickled fish, and certain parasites resist salting or marinating, only dying after a brief 60 °C cooking period. Consuming live larvae can trigger severe illness or allergic reactions, underscoring the importance of “sushi‑grade” labelling.Mineral‑based additives also hide in plain sight. Ingredients such as calcium carbonate (chalk), phosphoric acid, and monocalcium phosphate are mined from limestone, phosphate rock in Morocco and China, and then incorporated as dough conditioners or acidity regulators. Titanium dioxide, a bright white pigment derived from ilmenite, has been banned in the EU since 2022 due to concerns over nanoparticle accumulation and potential DNA damage, though the UK’s FSA is still reviewing the evidence.Even seemingly innocuous components like silicon dioxide (anti‑caking agent) and gypsum (calcium sulphate) are sourced from sand and ancient sea‑bed deposits, respectively. While generally regarded as safe, excessive consumption can cause gastrointestinal discomfort.Ice‑cream and other low‑fat desserts often rely on cellulose derivatives—carboxymethyl cellulose and methyl cellulose—produced as by‑products of the wood‑pulp industry. A 2022 study linked carboxymethyl cellulose to transient stomach pain and a possible disturbance of gut microbiota, prompting debate over the safety of the large‑scale emulsifier intake typical of modern diets.Plant‑based sausages frequently contain methyl cellulose as a thermoreversible gel, giving them a meat‑like texture. Professor Barry Smith of University College London notes that such additives can make vegetarian products “convincingly” meat‑like, but the health implications of chronic consumption remain under‑researched.Overall, the article underscores a paradox: while ultra‑processed foods can improve shelf‑life and accessibility, they also conceal a cocktail of ingredients—some benign, others potentially harmful. Consumers are urged to scrutinise ingredient lists, favour products with transparent sourcing, and support regulatory bodies that demand rigorous, long‑term safety testing for all food additives.

The newly opened V&A East Museum in Stratford marks the latest milestone in the East Bank cultural quarter on the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park. The £135 million, architect‑designed outpost sits beside the V&A Storehouse—recently listed among Time’s “World’s Greatest Places to Visit 2026”—and joins Sadler’s Wells East, the London College of Fashion and the forthcoming BBC Music Studios.Once described by V&A East director Gus Casely‑Hayford as “a place where fridges went to die”, the area has been transformed into a vibrant creative hub. Yet outside London, many venues face falling visitor numbers, job cuts and closures, highlighting a stark contrast with the newly polished facilities.Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy is betting on the Arts Everywhere Fund—a £1.5 billion package over five years announced in 2025—to shore up the sector’s creaking infrastructure. This week, £130 million was distributed to more than 130 museums, theatres, venues and libraries, representing the largest cash injection into the arts for a decade.The funding reaches a diverse range of institutions, from Newcastle’s iconic Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art to the modest Armitt Museum in Ambleside, and from the Royal Shakespeare Company in Stratford to Gloucestershire’s trailblazing TwoCan Theatre Company, which offers workshops for deaf, neurodivergent and disabled participants.Despite these initiatives, the UK remains among the lowest spenders on culture in Europe, with per‑capita public funding down nearly a third since 2010. Nevertheless, the cultural sector contributed an estimated £40 billion to the economy in 2024, underscoring its role as a significant wealth generator and a soft‑power asset.Financial support must also reach the people who run these institutions. Over the past year, staff at several leading museums have staged protests and faced redundancies, and even before its doors opened, V&A East workers sent an open letter demanding a living wage for all employees.In its inaugural year, the V&A Storehouse attracted 500,000 visitors, many of whom were younger, more diverse and locally based than the museum’s traditional audiences. The new V&A East hopes to replicate this success, emphasizing the need for parallel investment in arts education to nurture future audiences.Decades of neglect cannot be reversed overnight, and costs continue to rise. While the Arts Everywhere Fund is a cause for celebration, it also signals Labour’s broader commitment to making art accessible to everyone, reinforcing the message that, even in tough times, culture matters.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

The recent WNBA draft saw Azzi Fudd selected as the No 1 overall pick by the Dallas Wings, marking a significant achievement for the talented young player. Fudd, who played under Geno Auriemma at UConn, distinguished herself as one of the best shooters in college basketball and was named an All-American by the Associated Press. However, rather than focusing on her impressive athletic career, the draft night discourse was dominated by her relationship with teammate Paige Bueckers, who was also a top pick in the WNBA draft last year. The pair confirmed they were dating in 2025, but have kept their relationship largely private. This fixation on the personal lives of WNBA players raises questions about the media's priorities and the cultural context of women's sports. Experts argue that the surge of interest in the love lives of WNBA players is fueled by social media, which makes it easy to form parasocial relationships with athletes. Dr. Alicia Smith-Tran, an associate professor of sociology, notes that women athletes continue to be seen as lesser than their male counterparts, and the focus on their romantic lives is a manifestation of this marginalization. The conversation around romance in the WNBA also contributes to the fetishization of queer couples and relationships. Frankie de la Cretaz, author of the Out of Your League newsletter, warns that queer relationships are often dehumanized and become fodder for people to project their own desires onto. In the case of Fudd and Bueckers, their relationship has become a side point, overshadowing their achievements as athletes. As the WNBA enters its 30th season, it's essential to recognize the cultural significance of women's sports and the importance of respecting athletes' personal boundaries. The focus should be on their skills, contributions, and achievements in the workplace, rather than their personal lives. By doing so, we can work towards a more nuanced understanding of women's sports and the athletes who play them.

Chris Walton, a renowned biologist and lecturer at Cranfield University, has passed away at the age of 69 due to brain cancer. He was widely respected for his pragmatic approach to getting things done and was often referred to as an honorary engineer by his colleagues.Walton's research focused on volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in various matrices, including breath, sweat, blood, urine, and faeces. He discovered links between specific VOCs and different human diseases, developing new methods to measure them. His work on environmental sensors, particularly low-cost air-quality monitors, was also notable.Born in Batley, West Yorkshire, Walton was the first in his family to attend university, graduating from Leicester University with a degree in biology in 1978. He later earned an MSc in biological computation at York University and a PhD from Coventry University.Walton's career spanned various institutions, including Imperial College London and EDS, an IT service provider. He joined Cranfield University in 1998 and became a lecturer in analytical technology. He was known for his sympathetic ear for students and his wise advice to younger colleagues.Walton is survived by his partner, Lorraine Morgan, and his daughter, Elizabeth.

The UK government's ambitious plans to create 400,000 green jobs by 2030 seem to be failing to deliver for young people in England's coastal communities. Despite being surrounded by offshore windfarms, 44% of the UK's offshore windfarms are located in the east of England, areas like Lowestoft and Great Yarmouth are struggling with high unemployment and limited job opportunities.Jake Snell, a 19-year-old from Lowestoft, is a prime example. With high grades in maths and physics A-levels, a distinction in BTEC engineering, and work experience at an engineering company, he seemed like the perfect candidate for a role in the green energy sector. However, out of his 14-person cohort, only two people ended up with apprenticeships, and only one of these was in engineering.Rachel Wilde, a social anthropologist at University College London, notes that the term 'green jobs' is nebulous and that there is little concrete evidence of what these jobs actually are. She argues that there is a gap between politicians and policymakers promoting green jobs and people on the ground trying to talk to young people about job opportunities.Avril Keating, a professor of youth studies at UCL, suggests that the focus on high-profile roles in green energy is misleading and that more investment in continuing careers support for people in coastal and economically deprived areas is urgently needed.The government has announced plans to establish five technical excellence colleges that will focus training around the green energy sector, which could provide hope for the next generation of young people in these areas. However, for now, many young people like Snell are struggling to find employment and are feeling frustrated and disillusioned with the lack of opportunities.

The United Kingdom's decision to ban Israelis from attending the Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) over Israel's actions in Gaza has sparked concern within the college about its reputation. The Ministry of Defence (MOD) announced the ban in September after Israel planned a major ground assault on Gaza City.The British government made the decision amid widespread condemnation of Israel's escalation of the war. Previously unreported correspondence shows that the move prompted discussion within the RCDS about potential harm to its reputation as an institution that welcomes students of all backgrounds.RCDS commandant George Norton asked a senior military official, Tom Copinger-Symes, for help in shaping the public narrative while a government minister was preparing to answer a question about the ban in the UK's upper house of parliament. Norton sought to ensure that the public understood the college played no role in the decision.In an email, Norton told Copinger-Symes that it would be important for the government minister to highlight that the college does not invite or select participants in its courses, and that invitations were a government-to-government matter. He emphasized that the college's reputation as a welcoming institution could be harmed by the perception that it was deciding which countries to invite or not.The emails, obtained by Al Jazeera via a Freedom of Information request, reveal the college's efforts to distance itself from the government's decision. The MOD spokesperson stated that decisions about military education and training are made on a case-by-case basis and following robust assessment of benefits and risks.The UK-Israel relationship has been strained due to Israel's actions in Gaza, where over 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel launched its military operation. The RCDS did not respond to a request for comment.