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An overwhelming majority of Israelis oppose the US-Iran ceasefire deal announced last week, with 61% of respondents in a recent poll expressing their disapproval. The poll, conducted by the Israeli Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), also found that 73% of respondents expect fighting with Iran to resume within the next year.The ceasefire deal, which was negotiated without Israel's direct involvement, has been met with skepticism by many Israelis who feel that it does not address the root causes of the conflict with Iran. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had promised a final showdown with Iran, but the deal has left the Iranian government still standing.The Israeli public's disappointment with the ceasefire deal is reflected in the 69% of respondents who support continued military action in Lebanon, despite talks between the Lebanese and Israeli governments. Israel has continued to attack Lebanon, killing over 300 people in the past week.Analysts say that Netanyahu's problem is that he had oversold the war's objectives, promising regime collapse and the destruction of Iran's nuclear program and ballistic missiles. However, these goals were unrealistic, and the ceasefire deal has exposed the gap between Netanyahu's rhetoric and the reality on the ground.The opposition to the ceasefire deal is not limited to Netanyahu's critics, with opposition leaders like Yair Lapid also expressing their disappointment. Lapid has accused Netanyahu of turning Israel into a protectorate state that receives instructions from the US on matters of national security.Despite the backlash, Netanyahu has given public support to the US blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, claiming that Israel and the US are in constant coordination. However, analysts say that Israel is unlikely to break with the US while it is leading negotiations with Iran.

President Donald Trump asserted that a diplomatic path remains open for Tehran, even as the United States enforces a naval blockade of Iranian ports and Israel deepens its ground offensive in southern Lebanon. Iran’s leadership denounced the blockade as "piracy" and thousands gathered in Tehran to demonstrate against the restriction on maritime traffic through the strategic Strait of Hormuz. The Associated Press reported that diplomatic channels are still active; Pakistan has volunteered to host a second round of negotiations in Islamabad later this week. US blockade and protests: The enforcement of the maritime restrictions has provoked Iranian accusations of illegal action and sparked street protests in the capital. Tehran’s legal stance: Iran’s armed forces labeled the blockade unlawful, warning that targeting its ports could jeopardize broader Gulf shipping. IRGC warning: A Revolutionary Guard spokesperson hinted that Iran retains "unused capabilities" and may adopt new tactics if the confrontation escalates. Parliamentary support for the Pope: Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf praised Pope Leo XIV’s condemnation of the war, describing it as courageous. Russian nuclear staff pull‑out: Moscow has withdrawn most of its personnel from Iran’s sole nuclear power plant, a project built with Russian assistance. Qatar’s mediation call: Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani urged both Washington and Tehran to engage constructively in mediation. Pakistan’s ceasefire assessment: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said the US‑Iran truce is holding, even as weekend talks failed to produce a breakthrough. Shipping disruption: A UN spokesperson warned that there is no military solution and noted that roughly 20,000 vessels are stranded, straining global supply chains, especially for fertiliser. UK push for Lebanese inclusion: London advocated adding Lebanon to the US‑Iran ceasefire framework, which currently omits Hezbollah‑related fighting. US‑Lebanon diplomatic talks: Israeli and Lebanese ambassadors are slated to meet in Washington to discuss halting hostilities. Hezbollah’s rejection: Leader Naim Qassem urged Lebanon to cancel the planned Washington meeting, reaffirming the group’s opposition to any direct dialogue with Israel. Russia’s uranium offer: The Kremlin reiterated its willingness to accept Iran’s enriched uranium as part of a broader US‑Iran settlement, echoing President Vladimir Putin’s statements. Trump on Iranian outreach: The former president claimed Iranian officials have expressed a strong desire to negotiate, though he did not identify the interlocutors. Trump’s stance on the Pope: He dismissed criticism of Pope Leo XIV as unwarranted, labeling the pontiff "weak" on key issues, including Iran. Threat to Iranian vessels: Trump warned that U.S. forces will neutralise any Iranian fast‑attack ships that approach the blockade zone. Domestic political pressure: Senate Democrats, led by Chuck Schumer, are pushing for a new vote to limit the president’s war‑making powers, citing rising U.S. fuel prices. Protester arrests in New York: Approximately 90 demonstrators, including whistleblower Chelsea Manning and actor Hari Nef, were detained during a Manhattan traffic‑stop protest against the war and U.S. arms sales to Israel. Israel’s buffer‑zone push: Israeli forces continue ground and air operations in southern Lebanon, razing structures in border towns such as Naqoura to create a security buffer. Hezbollah retaliation: The group has intensified rocket and drone attacks on Israeli positions in locations like Bint Jbeil and Biyyada. Accusations of a "Greater Israel": Hezbollah chief Hassan Qassem accused Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of pursuing an expansionist agenda backed by the United States. Diplomatic tension with Italy: Israel summoned the Italian ambassador after Italy’s foreign minister condemned Israeli attacks on Beirut as "unacceptable". Casualties in Lebanon: Israeli operations have raised the death toll in southern Lebanon since March 2 to at least 2,089, including a recent drone strike that killed two civilians near Nabatieh. Public opinion in Lebanon: Lebanese citizens are divided, with some weary of the conflict and hopeful for diplomacy, while others distrust Israel’s intentions. Canadian casualty: Canada’s foreign minister confirmed that a Canadian national died in southern Lebanon, though details remain scarce. Energy implications: Reuters reported that a Chinese‑owned tanker, sanctioned by the United States, successfully navigated the Strait of Hormuz despite the blockade, underscoring the challenges of enforcement. Oil market outlook: U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright warned that oil prices could keep climbing until "meaningful ship traffic" resumes through the strait.

The relationship between Britain and Israel has come under scrutiny as the UK government faces criticism for its response to Israel's actions in Lebanon and the West Bank. A recent report revealed that Donald Trump asked Benjamin Netanyahu to be more 'low-key' in Lebanon, sparking concerns about the international community's stance on the issue.As someone who is Palestinian Lebanese, the author notes that the West Bank is often overlooked, allowing the killing and dispossession to continue quietly. In contrast, Lebanon has garnered more attention due to the scale of violence, with 300 people killed in just 10 minutes. The message from Washington, it seems, is to keep the actions quiet and take the land without drawing attention.Britain's response has been condemnation, but critics argue that words are not enough. The UK's continued preferential trade terms with Israel and supply of components for warplanes and weapons systems used in strikes have raised questions about its complicity. The author asks, 'What has to happen before our government acts – rather than simply condemns?'The issue has sparked a wider conversation about the role of governments in addressing human rights abuses and the need for more concrete action. As one reader noted, 'When Trump destroys the world those who are left will look at one another and wonder why nobody stopped him.'

Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem has strongly opposed an upcoming meeting between the Lebanese government and Israel in the United States, labeling such efforts as 'futile' amid intensified Israeli attacks on Lebanon. In a televised speech on Monday, Qassem called on the Lebanese government to take 'a historic and heroic stance' by not attending the planned talks. The Lebanese and Israeli ambassadors are set to meet in Washington, DC, on Tuesday to discuss direct negotiations between the two countries. However, Qassem argued that the talks are a ploy to pressure Hezbollah into laying down its weapons, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly stating that the goal is to disarm Hezbollah. Qassem emphasized that Hezbollah will not back down, stating, 'We will not rest, stop or surrender. Instead, we will let the battlefield speak for itself.' He also accused Israel of continuing its aggressive actions, including near-daily deadly attacks, despite a supposed ceasefire in effect since November 2024. Since Israel intensified its war on Lebanon in early March, at least 2,055 people have been killed, including 165 children and 87 medical workers, with over 6,500 wounded and around 1.2 million displaced. Qassem described the planned talks as a 'free concession' to Israel and the US, and called for a united Lebanese stance against negotiations. The speech followed protests in Beirut against the planned talks, with demonstrators accusing Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam of betraying the Lebanese people. The situation remains tense, with the Israeli military claiming to have surrounded the key southern town of Bint Jbeil, while Hezbollah continues to claim attacks against Israeli forces there.

Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

The U.S. military announced that, starting at 14:00 GMT on Monday, it will enforce a blockade of every Iranian port, a step taken after President Donald Trump ordered a naval closure of the Strait of Hormuz—the waterway through which roughly one‑fifth of global crude oil normally flows. The blockade comes on the heels of stalled peace negotiations in Islamabad, where talks between Washington and Tehran collapsed without an agreement despite a prior cease‑fire pledge. Trump’s escalation has already driven crude prices above $100 per barrel and unsettled Asian equity markets, with the Nikkei 225 down 0.84%, the Topix slipping 0.42% and South Korea’s Kospi falling 1.83%. Iran’s response is equally forceful. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any vessel entering the strait would be deemed a breach of the cease‑fire and dealt with “harshly and decisively,” insisting it has “full control” and threatening a “deadly vortex” for any misstep. Navy chief Shahram Irani dismissed Trump’s threat as “ridiculous and funny,” while state television said Iranian forces are closely monitoring U.S. movements. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi lamented “maximalism, shifting goalposts, and blockade” that undermined a near‑final Islamabad memorandum, quoting, “Good will begets good will. Enmity begets enmity.” Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf pledged resistance and mocked U.S. gasoline prices, posting a map of Washington‑area pump prices and predicting nostalgia for $4‑$5 gas. U.S. Central Command clarified that the blockade will stop all vessels bound for or from Iran, while traffic to non‑Iranian ports will continue unhindered. Trump also warned that any ship that has paid an “illegal toll” to Iran will be intercepted on the high seas, and he publicly criticized Pope Leo XIV for urging an end to the conflict. In Lebanon, Israeli airstrikes have killed at least five people, bringing the country’s overall death toll to 2,055. Hezbollah retaliated with a rocket barrage aimed at northern Israeli towns, citing violations of a cease‑fire. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) reported that an Israeli tank rammed peace‑keeping vehicles twice in the south. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited troops on the Lebanese border, claiming that Hezbollah’s invasion threat has been neutralized, though he acknowledged that hostilities continue within the security zone. On the energy front, shipping through the Hormuz corridor has “immediately halted,” according to Lloyd’s List, with several vessels turning back after the blockade announcement, further tightening global oil supplies.

Donald Trump's military approach against Iran has backfired, emboldening the country rather than weakening it. The 16-hour talks in Pakistan, led by JD Vance, failed to extract a quick accord, highlighting the complexity of issues between Washington and Tehran. The Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, had sold the war to Trump as an opportunity for regime change. However, Trump's plan had no clear strategy beyond killing senior Iranian officials, which only strengthened hardliners within the regime. Trump's goal of destroying Iran's military capacity has also failed. US intelligence indicates that Iran's ability to replenish its missiles and drones remains considerable. Furthermore, Iran is causing significant damage to Gulf states. The main issue remains Iran's nuclear program. The 2015 accord, negotiated by Barack Obama, had required Iran to limit its nuclear activities, but Trump withdrew from the deal in 2018. Today, Iran has nearly 900lb of highly enriched uranium, which could be further refined into a nuclear bomb. Trump's aggressive approach has handed Iran a new weapon: the ability to close the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for international shipping. This move could wreak havoc on the world economy and give Iran significant revenue through tolls. The article concludes that diplomacy is the only viable solution to the conflict. Negotiation requires compromise and give-and-take, which Trump has so far resisted. The stakes are high, with the potential for genocide and massive war crimes. The door to a deal remains open, but it demands a willingness to negotiate in good faith.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

Israel's far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has stormed the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem's Old City, marking his third incursion into Islam's third holiest site this year. The move has sparked widespread condemnation from Palestinians and Jordan.Ben-Gvir, accompanied by Israeli settlers and under heavy protection from Israeli forces, offered Jewish prayers at the site, which is not allowed for non-Muslims under the status quo arrangement in place since 1967. The arrangement permits Jewish people to visit the compound but prohibits them from praying there.The Palestinian Authority's presidency has condemned the storming of the mosque compound, calling it a blatant violation of the historical and legal status quo at the holy site. Jordan's Foreign Ministry also expressed concern, viewing Ben-Gvir's visit as a violation of the status quo agreement and a desecration of the site's sanctity.This incident is part of a growing trend of Israeli settler incursions into Al-Aqsa, with Ben-Gvir having stormed the mosque compound at least 16 times since taking office in 2022. The far-right Israeli minister has expressed his intention to build a Jewish synagogue in place of the holy Muslim site.In a video filmed at the site, Ben-Gvir said, "Today, I feel like the owner here. There is still more to do, more to improve. I keep pushing the prime minister [Benjamin Netanyahu] to do more and more."The incident has occurred amid continued Israeli raids across the occupied West Bank, with at least 18 Palestinians arrested on Sunday. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that more than 1,100 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces and settlers in the occupied West Bank since October 2023, with thousands forcibly displaced.