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Rising fortunes among the ultra‑rich under the Trump administration have ignited a wave of tax‑reform campaigns across the United States. In California, volunteers like Karen Sanchez are gathering signatures for a one‑time 5% wealth tax targeting the state’s 200‑plus billionaires to offset federal cuts to hospitals, education and food‑assistance programs.At least ten states are exploring similar measures. Washington recently enacted its first income‑tax aimed at roughly 20,000 millionaire households, while Massachusetts and Minnesota already channel wealth‑tax proceeds into preschool, K‑12 meals and transportation infrastructure.On the federal front, Senators Bernie Sanders and Representative Ro Khanna have introduced the “Make Billionaires Pay Their Fair Share Act,” proposing an annual 5% levy on billionaire net worth. Khanna argues that the ultra‑wealthy fund private health insurers, defense contractors and political campaigns, creating a stark fairness gap.Data from Oxfam shows that in the twelve months after Trump’s re‑election, billionaire fortunes grew at a rate three times faster than the average annual growth of the previous five years. Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 for fifteen years, underscoring the widening economic divide.A Data for Progress poll released last fall found that 70% of Americans believe the economic system favours corporations and the wealthy. “People are angry and want change,” says Amy Hanauer of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), noting that activists are leveraging every level of government to seek relief.The movement draws on a two‑decade history of class‑based activism, from the Occupy Wall Street protests to Senator Sanders’ 2016 campaign that foregrounded wealth‑tax proposals. Yet inequality has deepened: CEOs of the five largest U.S. firms now earn, on average, **$52 million** annually—over a thousand times the typical worker’s salary.Political spending by billionaires has also exploded. A recent New York Times analysis reveals that billionaire contributions rose from **0.3% of campaign funds in 2008** to **19% in 2024**, amounting to more than **$3 billion** from roughly 300 ultra‑rich donors, many of whom supported candidates opposing wealth taxes, including former President Donald Trump.The war in Iran has further inflamed resentment, with the United States spending **$11.3 billion** in the first week of bombardment—far exceeding the annual budgets of agencies such as the CDC, EPA and the National Cancer Institute.Local victories are feeding the momentum. New York City’s mayoral race saw Zohran Mamdani win on a platform that includes taxing the rich to fund affordable housing, groceries and transit. Councilmember Chi Ossé led a 1,500‑person march to the state capitol, urging Governor Kathy Hochul to permit a city‑level millionaire tax, a move that now has backing from some state Democrats.Beyond New York, states like Rhode Island, Hawaii, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Illinois and New Mexico are debating various wealth‑tax mechanisms, including the popular “mansion tax” on high‑value home sales. Currently, **17 localities** have adopted such taxes, most passed between 2018 and 2023.California’s gubernatorial race has become a flashpoint. Billionaire‑backed candidates Matt Mahan and Tom Steyer are vying to replace Governor Gavin Newsom, with the tech elite—such as Sergey Brin and Joe Lonsdale—pouring money into campaigns opposing the billionaire tax. Of the 30 billionaires who have contributed to the race, **25 supported Mahan**, who has positioned himself as a staunch anti‑tax candidate.For Sanchez, the stakes are personal. The proposed tax seeks to replace **$100 billion** in federal health‑care funding cut by Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which threatens hospital closures and layoffs in the nation’s fourth‑largest economy. She aims to collect **875,000 signatures** by late June to secure the initiative on the November ballot.“It’s creating a network of groups all working toward a common good,” Sanchez says, reflecting a broader sentiment that collective action could finally translate the public’s demand for fiscal fairness into concrete policy.

Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

Nearly three decades after the groundbreaking debut Endtroducing….. first hit shelves, DJ Shadow is once again revisiting his back catalogue. Following a celebrated 25th‑anniversary reissue that was remastered at Abbey Road Studios, the Californian producer is preparing a new archival release.In May, Shadow will issue The Mo’Wax Singles 1993‑1997, a meticulously curated box set that compiles eight 12‑inch records of his original singles for James Lavelle’s Mo’Wax label. The collection also includes alternative mixes, brand‑new artwork, and material recovered from dusty DAT tapes and original master mixes.“This box wasn’t made for the casual listener, it was made with the hardcore fan in mind,” Shadow explained in a statement. “I’ve always felt, if something is worth doing, it’s worth doing right, and every step of the process was made with this philosophy firmly in mind.”With the release timed to a period of reflection, Shadow is opening the floor to fans and journalists alike. He invites readers to submit questions about his pioneering sampling techniques, collaborations ranging from Wong Kar‑wai and Zack de la Rocha to Danny Brown and Deftones, and even the infamous Miami Beach show that was halted for being “too future.”Submit your queries in the comments by 6 pm BST on 8 April, and the most compelling answers will be featured in an upcoming issue of Film & Music.

The BBC Philharmonic, under the baton of John Storgårds, has released an album featuring Dmitri Shostakovich's Symphonies No 2 and 5. This pairing brings together one of the composer's most familiar works with one of his lesser-known pieces.The Symphony No 2, commissioned as propaganda for the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution, is an early experiment by the 21-year-old Shostakovich. It begins with eerie, foggy strings that slide up and down in an intangible, almost pitchless way, more akin to a sound effect than music. As it builds, the symphony becomes a perpetual motion melee, culminating in a celebratory chorus singing 'October, the Commune and Lenin'.In contrast, the Symphony No 5, written a decade later, showcases a more mature composer. Storgårds' interpretation doesn't quite capture the depth of darkness in the first movement, but his warmth in the harmonies brings the music to life. The third movement has a compelling stillness, while the finale expertly increases tension through small tempo changes.This album review highlights the stark contrast between Shostakovich's early experimentation and his later mastery. The performance by the BBC Philharmonic and John Storgårds is effective, making this album a valuable addition to any classical music collection.

The United States has a long history of threatening to carpet bomb countries, with President Donald Trump recently warning Iran that he would bomb the country 'back to the stone ages.' This rhetoric is not new, as US leaders have made similar threats in the past.During his prime-time address to the nation, Trump said, referring to Iran: 'We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks, we're going to bring them back to the stone ages, where they belong.' Trump also said 'discussions are ongoing,' adding that the conflict could end over the same period.The current war on Iran began on February 28 when the US and Israel launched their attacks. Tehran hit back, targeting Israel and Gulf countries. More than 2,000 Iranians have been killed in the war so far. Thousands of civilian sites, including hospitals, schools, universities, and pharmaceutical factories, have been attacked by Israel and the US.Janina Dill, a global security professor at the University of Oxford, told Al Jazeera that if Trump's 'stone ages' threat implies that the US will destroy structures and buildings that characterise a modern society, 'then this would be illegal because it implies directing attacks against civilian objects.'The phrase 'bombing back to the stone ages' is widely associated with US Air Force officer Curtis LeMay, in the context of US threats against North Vietnam in LeMay's 1965 book, Mission with LeMay. LeMay wrote: 'We're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age.'The US carried out intensive bombing in South Vietnam, as well as in Cambodia and Laos, claiming to target enemy bases and supply routes. Overall, millions of Vietnamese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded in the war.In January 1991, the US led a global coalition to force out Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Former US Secretary of State James Baker threatened that the US would bomb Iraq 'back to the Stone Age' if it did not withdraw from Kuwait.During World War II, the US carpet bombed Japanese cities, as well as cities in Asia that were controlled by Japanese forces. During the Korean War, the US carried out heavy bombing in North Korea, which some officials said destroyed almost every town.

The Paris Appeals Court on Wednesday rejected Tunisia's request to extradite Halima Ben Ali, the daughter of the late former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who faces accusations of laundering assets acquired during her father's 1987‑2011 rule.The ruling was anchored in Tunisia's failure to provide guarantees of an independent and impartial trial, a prerequisite under French and international extradition standards.Halima Ben Ali was detained in September 2025 at Tunisia's behest as she prepared to board a flight from Paris to Dubai. Authorities allege she participated in the laundering of wealth amassed under her father's regime.Her lawyer, Samia Maktouf, warned that sending her back would be tantamount to “a death sentence.” After the verdict, Maktouf described the decision as “an immense relief” and affirmed that justice had been served in accordance with the law.Tunisian prosecutors say the alleged financial crimes could carry a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, underscoring the broader push to recover misappropriated assets and hold the Ben Ali family accountable more than a decade after the Arab Spring uprisings.The case revives debate over the legacy of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011, fled to Saudi Arabia, died in exile in 2019, and was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment by a Tunisian court.While the French decision may strain diplomatic ties, it also signals Paris' commitment to uphold procedural safeguards when handling extradition requests linked to politically sensitive cases.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Oil prices experienced a significant surge, rising more than $5, after President Donald Trump stated that the United States would continue its military operations against Iran. This development has heightened investor concerns about potential sustained disruptions to global oil supplies.Brent crude futures saw a notable increase, rising $6.33, or 6.3%, to $107.49 per barrel early on Thursday. Similarly, US West Texas Intermediate crude futures were up $5.28, or 5.3%, to $105.40 per barrel. These gains followed an earlier decline of more than $1 in both benchmarks prior to Trump's televised address to the nation.The recent escalation in tensions between the US and Iran has led to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran, in retaliation for the US-Israeli attacks. This strategic move has disrupted approximately one-fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies, precipitating the world's most significant energy crisis in decades.Trump emphasized that the US military is nearing its objectives in the conflict, which he expects to conclude within two to three weeks. His remarks have contributed to increased uncertainty in financial markets.Asian stocks were severely impacted following Trump's speech. Most Southeast Asian countries, which heavily rely on oil imports, are particularly vulnerable to the sharp rise in oil prices triggered by the Middle East conflict. The MSCI gauge of EM Asia equities experienced a 2.3% decline, while regional currencies weakened by 0.2%.Notably, South Korea's main stock market, the Korea Composite Stock Price Index (KOSPI), plummeted by 4.2% after initially gaining nearly 2%. South Korean President Lee Jae Myung urged parliament to promptly pass a 26.2 trillion won ($17.3bn) supplementary budget to bolster the economy during what he described as the worst energy security threat caused by the Middle East crisis.Other Asian markets also saw significant declines, with Singapore's main stock market, the Singapore Exchange (SGX), slipping 0.8%, and Malaysia's benchmark index falling 1%. Markets in Indonesia and Taiwan declined by about 1% and 1.4%, respectively. Stocks in China and Hong Kong also fell, with the benchmark Shanghai Composite index dropping 0.53% and China's blue-chip CSI300 Index losing 0.74%.

Kara Lawson watched her Duke Blue Devils fall 70‑58 to the No. 1 UCLA Bruins in the Elite Eight, ending a 20‑year wait for a Final Four appearance. The loss followed a stunning buzzer‑beater upset of No. 2 seed LSU in the Sweet 16, but the Blue Devils couldn’t replicate that performance against UCLA.After the game, Lawson told reporters, "What a great season it’s been for us, and this group has been a joy to coach every day." She highlighted the team’s resilience after a rocky start that saw six defeats between early November and late December.Notre Dame’s season ended similarly, with a 70‑52 defeat to the defending champion UConn Huskies in the Elite Eight. Head coach Niele Ivey reflected on the journey, noting that the roster’s revival after a difficult 2025 season "gave me a lot of joy" and that coaching with joy makes her a better leader.Vanderbilt’s Commodores, coached by Shea Ralph, also saw their tournament run halted, losing 67‑64 to Notre Dame. Ralph, who inherited a program with strong support but limited recent success, deliberately built a culture of joy. Star guard Mikayla Blakes praised Ralph for restoring her love for the game, saying, "She found joy in my life and helped me enjoy basketball again."Looking ahead, the semifinals will feature two marquee matchups: South Carolina vs. UConn and UCLA vs. Texas. Both games promise high‑stakes basketball as the remaining teams vie for the championship.The tournament also underscores broader trends in women’s basketball. A decade ago, the NCAA reported that only 4.5% of high‑school players advance to college, and just 1.4% reach Division I. The WNBA’s expansion to 15 teams this season creates more professional slots, yet demand still outpaces supply, making the focus on joy and development all the more vital.Texas coach Vic Schaefer echoed the sentiment, describing the season as "the most fun" he’s had in over thirty years of coaching. With senior guard Rori Harmon preparing to graduate, Schaefer emphasized the team’s mission‑driven mindset and the pure enjoyment they find on the court.In a sport where the pipeline narrows at every level, the prevailing message from coaches and players alike is clear: joy remains the driving force that sustains teams through triumphs and setbacks alike.