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When Corentin Roudaut arrived in Paris a decade ago, he swapped his student‑era bike for a car, daunted by the city’s traffic and lack of cyclist protection. After a protected lane opened on Boulevard Voltaire in the 11th arrondissement, he reclaimed his two‑wheel commute and now volunteers with the cycling advocacy group Paris en Selle, witnessing a city that has shed its car‑centric image.Roudaut notes that the shift “started slowly but really accelerated in the last ten years,” with a growing network of bike routes that is becoming safe and nearly complete in many districts.Mayor Anne Hidalgo’s 12‑year agenda reshaped Paris’s urban fabric. Since taking office in 2014, her administration planted 155,000 trees, created several hundred kilometres of segregated bike lanes, pedestrianised 300 school streets, and banned cars from the banks of the Seine. Former parking spaces have been turned into green plazas and café terraces, reducing the risk of children being hit while walking to school.As Hidalgo departs on Sunday, her legacy is touted as a blueprint for progressive European cities, especially as some national governments retreat from green initiatives.Nevertheless, the reforms have sparked pushback. Motorists object to the loss of road space, and recent referendums on higher parking charges for SUVs and further school‑street pedestrianisation suffered low voter turnouts. Right‑wing mayoral candidate Rachida Dati described the new public‑space regime as “anxiety‑inducing,” though she stopped short of promising a reversal.In a candid interview, Hidalgo described the Seine‑bank pedestrianisation as “a tough battle” that, once won, left residents reluctant to revert to car traffic. She highlighted a generation of children who have never known cars on those riverbanks, prompting awe‑filled reactions from visitors.Urban scholars attribute the rapid change to Paris’s tight administrative boundaries, which limit suburban influence on city transport decisions, and to groundwork laid by previous mayors. Yet they stress that political courage was essential to implement measures that inconvenienced drivers while delivering social and environmental benefits.Environmental epidemiologist Audrey de Nazelle of Imperial College London, a Paris native, praised the transformation as “fabulous” and warned that many cities lack the bravery to pursue similar legacies.A recent report placed Paris among 19 global cities that cut two major toxic air pollutants between 2010 and 2024. While Brussels and Warsaw saw faster declines in fine‑particle matter, London outpaced Paris in reducing nitrogen‑dioxide levels.By contrast, Berlin—despite opening a new inner‑city motorway and scrapping 30 km/h speed limits on key streets—still records a higher share of cyclists than Paris.Transport researcher Giulio Mattioli argues that Paris simply needed to add bike lanes to unlock latent demand, noting that the city started from a lower baseline but quickly caught up with peers.However, the transformation remains uneven. The extensive suburbs continue to be dominated by cars, hemmed in by the 35 km Boulevard Périphérique ring road. Analyst Jean‑Louis Missika of think‑tank Terra Nova stresses that “as long as this motorway encircles Paris, the Greater Paris metropolis will remain an administrative construct devoid of urban reality.” He calls for dismantling or repurposing the ring road to achieve a truly post‑car metropolis.

Iran carried out the execution of Abolhassan Montazer and Vahid Baniamerian on Saturday morning, following a Supreme Court ruling that confirmed their death sentences for membership in the outlawed People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) and involvement in "armed rebellion" through multiple terrorist acts. The two men were hanged after a Revolutionary Court sentenced them in late 2024, a case that underscores Tehran's intensified crackdown on dissent amid the US‑Israeli war on Iran that began on February 28. This latest execution follows the hanging of four other PMOI members—Mohammad Taghavi, Akbar Daneshvarkar, Babak Alipour and Pouya Ghobadi—on March 30‑31, bringing the total number of executed opposition figures to six since the conflict escalated. The PMOI condemned the hangings in an April 2 statement, labeling Tehran's actions a "futile" attempt to suppress opposition and warning that such brutality will only fuel the resolve of Iran’s youth to challenge the regime. Human‑rights groups have also decried the executions. Amnesty International reported that the men were allegedly tortured while in custody and transferred to an undisclosed location shortly before their deaths. The organization warned that additional protesters—some sentenced to death for participation in the January anti‑government demonstrations—could face execution after being moved from Ghezel Hesar prison. Amnesty’s deputy regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, Diana Eltahawy, said, "It is unconscionable that even as the population endures mass bereavement from aerial bombardments, the Islamic Republic continues to weaponize the death penalty to eradicate dissenting voices and terrorise its people." The wave of hangings also includes the case of Kouroush Keyvani, a dual Iranian‑Swedish national convicted of spying for Israel, whose execution sparked outrage in Stockholm and the European Union. Another individual convicted of acting on behalf of Israel and the United States during the protests was executed on Thursday. These developments occur against a backdrop of intensified military confrontations, with Iran reporting the downing of U.S. aircraft and ongoing aerial bombardments by Israel and the United States, further complicating the nation’s internal security landscape. International observers warn that the continued use of capital punishment as a tool of political repression not only violates human‑rights norms but also risks deepening regional instability as the war persists.

Even before the season began, the fixture list hinted that March would become a turning point for Newcastle United. A run to the Champions League quarter‑finals and a victory in the Tyne‑Wear derby could have silenced many critics, while a third Carabao Cup final would have forced the derby’s postponement. In the Champions League round‑of‑16, Newcastle appeared stronger at home against Barcelona, only to be undone by a late penalty. The away leg saw them threaten early on, but a second‑half collapse resulted in a 7‑2 defeat, widening the perceived gap between the sides. The derby itself illustrated the team’s frailties. Newcastle led at halftime and struck the post, yet they finished with the fifth‑worst second‑half record in the Premier League. Sunderland equalised through Brian Brobbey, fed by a simple Granit Xhaka pass, exploiting the space that Newcastle’s midfield surrendered late in the game. These setbacks have sparked serious speculation about manager Eddie Howe’s future. Chief executive David Hopkinson offered no clear endorsement, stating only that “we’ll talk about the future when it’s time,” a comment that many interpreted as a warning. Howe arrived in November 2021, a month after the Saudi‑led acquisition of the club, and quickly guided Newcastle into the modern era: two Champions League qualifications, a historic Carabao Cup triumph – the first domestic trophy in 70 years – and a generally steady league performance. Until last season, there was little talk of his dismissal. However, the current crisis is less about tactics than about recruitment. With no sporting director, Howe’s nephew Andy Howe and scout Steve Nickson oversaw most signings last summer, a structure that has drawn criticism. The sale of Alexander Isak to Liverpool was widely regarded as mishandled. The club allowed the protracted saga to dominate the window, missing an opportunity to maximise the fee and reinvest in squad depth, or to negotiate a swap that could have brought Hugo Ekitiké to Newcastle. Summer acquisitions have added little stability. While Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento are rumored to be on their way out, Yoane Wissa suffered an early injury and new signing Nick Woltemade arrived without a clear role. Of the incoming players, only Malick Thiaw has made a noticeable impact. Consequently, the squad lacks the depth required for simultaneous Champions League commitments, a Carabao Cup semi‑final run, and a fifth‑round FA Cup tie. The fatigue evident in many second‑half performances is therefore unsurprising. Underlying these on‑field issues are broader structural problems. Dan Ashworth’s departure for Manchester United left a void that successor Paul Mitchell could not fill; his exit after clashes with ownership – and reportedly with Howe over player conditioning – created a leadership vacuum. Ross Wilson, appointed sporting director in October with Howe’s blessing, now faces the daunting task of rebuilding a fragmented recruitment process. Financial pressures add another layer of complexity. The recent sale of the stadium to a club subsidiary, coupled with a looming UEFA fine for 2025, has strained resources. While the Champions League revenue and the Isak transfer may alleviate some of the strain, the shift to an “unanchored” squad‑cost ratio favours owners with deep pockets, leaving the club’s commitment from the Public Investment Fund uncertain amid broader Saudi retrenchment. Notably, discussions of a new stadium have been absent for almost a year. Hopkinson’s description of Newcastle as a “trading club” appears realistic, yet his remarks also hint at an upcoming exodus of players such as Tonali, Gordon and Livramento. Even if the broader economic climate softens, the likely absence of Champions League football next season could further limit Newcastle’s ability to attract top talent. Ultimately, the core issue is governance. While Howe’s tactical acumen may improve without the demands of European competition, the club’s ambition to become a modern, well‑structured organisation may require a change in leadership. His departure could be the catalyst needed for a comprehensive cultural and structural overhaul.

The UK is facing a potential rebranding of its beloved breakfast spread, marmalade, due to new EU rules. The proposed changes are part of a planned food deal with the EU, which would require the UK to align with the bloc's naming rules for food products.Under the new rules, marmalades may need to be relabelled to specify the type of fruit used, such as 'citrus marmalade'. However, the government has clarified that 'orange marmalade' will still be allowed and that jars on UK shelves will remain unchanged.The Conservative former home secretary, Priti Patel, has accused Labour of 'attacking the great British marmalade', claiming that the prime minister is 'desperate to fit in with his EU pals and unpick Brexit'. However, the government spokesperson has denied this, stating that the deal simply supports trade by cutting unnecessary red tape.The UK is being asked to align with regulations already in force within the EU, which allow all conserves to be marketed as marmalades as long as the type of fruit is specified. The rules were relaxed in 2004 to allow fruit-based spreads to be referred to as marmalades in certain European countries.A government source pointed out that marmalade on UK supermarket shelves is already usually labelled as 'orange marmalade', which they suggested is in compliance with the EU rules. The government has assured that the agreement supports exporters while fully preserving the UK's ability to shape food rules in the national interest.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

Analysts say that more than two years of relentless campaigns against Gaza, the Houthis, Lebanon and now Iran have reshaped Israel’s politics, economy and social fabric.Washington, rather than Jerusalem, is likely to decide the ultimate outcome of the conflict that Israeli leaders describe as an “existential battle” with Tehran.According to the Bank of Israel, the cumulative cost of these wars has reached 352 billion shekels (about $112 bn), which translates to roughly 300 million shekels ($96 m) per day. The financial pressure is compounded by the International Court of Justice hearing credible genocide accusations and the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for the prime minister and a former defence minister.Domestically, Israelis endure frequent air‑raid alerts and school closures, while many families juggle work and shelter duties. Yet a poll by the Israel Democracy Institute in late March showed that 78 % of Jewish Israelis still support continuing the war, even as a majority doubt that Washington and Israeli planners have fully grasped Tehran’s capabilities.Political commentator Dahlia Scheindlin told Al Jazeera that a “graveness” has settled over the population, noting a grim determination to press on despite exhaustion.Israel’s right‑wing coalition, led by figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and ultra‑Orthodox Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, has pushed through a controversial death‑penalty law targeting Palestinians and approved a record $271 bn budget. The budget allocates substantial funds to ultra‑Orthodox and settler communities, a move described by critics as an attempt to shore up Prime Minister Netanyahu’s waning support.Internationally, the United Nations, European Union and several Muslim‑majority states have condemned the new death‑penalty legislation, though Israel has so far avoided direct sanctions.Economists warn that the war’s fiscal impact extends beyond defence spending. A Le Monde analysis highlighted rising defence outlays, lost productivity from reservist mobilisation, and dampened consumer activity. While temporary tax cuts have mitigated fuel‑price spikes caused by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, political economist Shir Hever cautions that Israel’s reliance on imported fuel means any relief is short‑lived.Hever likens the current economic trajectory to that of a “totalitarian state,” where military expenses are pursued arbitrarily, ignoring broader economic stability.Ultimately, the war’s duration may hinge more on U.S. policy than Israeli strategy. When asked by Newsmax about progress toward its goals, Prime Minister Netanyahu could only claim the effort was “halfway” achieved.

A Malta‑flagged container ship named Kribi, owned by French shipping giant CMA CGM, successfully navigated the Strait of Hormuz on April 2. This marks the first time a Western‑registered vessel has traversed the strategic waterway since Iran began restricting traffic following the US‑Israeli war that started on February 28.According to vessel‑tracking data from Marine Traffic, the Kribi is the first French‑owned ship to make the passage in the current conflict. The ship, sailing south along Oman’s coast, altered its declared destination to “Owner France” in LSEG shipping data, a move interpreted as a signal to Iranian authorities about its national affiliation before entering Iran’s territorial waters.The vessel was originally bound for Pointe‑Noire, Republic of the Congo, but the change in routing facilitated the safe crossing. No immediate comment was received from CMA CGM regarding the maneuver.Since March 1, only about 150 vessels—including tankers and container ships—have transited the strait, according to Lloyd’s List Intelligence. The majority were linked to Iran and to regional partners such as China, India and Pakistan. Beijing publicly expressed gratitude after three Chinese ships, including two Cosco‑owned container vessels, passed through the waterway earlier in the week.The strait historically carries roughly one‑fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments. Its effective blockage has contributed to a sharp rise in worldwide fuel prices, intensifying the ongoing energy crisis.U.S. President Donald Trump asserted that gasoline prices would drop quickly once hostilities end, but offered no concrete plan to reopen the passage, instead urging skeptical allies to take action themselves. French President Emmanuel Macron cautioned that a military operation to force open the strait would be unrealistic, emphasizing that only diplomatic efforts could restore free navigation.Macron is coordinating with European and other partners to form a coalition that would guarantee safe passage after the conflict subsides. In a commentary for *Foreign Affairs*, former Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif suggested Tehran could negotiate a deal with the United States—curbing its nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief and the reopening of the strait—thereby ending the war and preventing future confrontations.

Rory McIlroy is focused on achieving more in golf after his 2025 Masters win, which marked his fifth major and a grand slam. He expressed no concerns about maintaining motivation, citing his physical and mental well-being at 36.McIlroy emphasized his desire to continue winning and has his sights set on several goals, including:Defending his Masters titleWinning an Open at St AndrewsMatching Nick Faldo's record of six major wins for a European golferHe credits his caddie, Harry Diamond, for providing crucial support during his Masters victory. McIlroy also reflects on his approach to regular tour events, suggesting they are now less of a priority compared to major tournaments.McIlroy's global golfing ambitions are clear, having taken the Green Jacket to countries like India and Australia. He aims to balance his schedule to maintain peak performance in major tournaments while still competing in other events.His idol, Tiger Woods, serves as a contrast, having struggled with letting go of the sport. McIlroy, on the other hand, envisions a future where he can compete at a high level into his 40s, inspired by players like Justin Rose who remains competitive at 45.

Arsenal’s loss to Manchester City in the Carabao Cup final has haunted manager Mikel Arteta ever since the 2‑0 defeat at Wembley, where Nico O’Reilly scored both goals to crush the Gunners’ quadruple hopes.Artura described the aftermath as “a ball of poison in my stomach”, saying the feeling could linger for “the next 30 years” unless he channels it into improvement.He emphasized that the pain must be converted into motivation to secure silverware before the season ends, insisting the sting of the loss will remain a driving force for weeks, months and years to come.In the wake of the final, Arteta faced criticism for keeping Kepa Arrizabalaga in goal despite the keeper’s error that led to the first goal. The manager defended his choice, stating, “I never judge a player solely on an error; attitude and behaviour matter 100%.” He added that Arrizabalaga’s experience makes him ready for the upcoming FA Cup sixth‑round clash with Southampton.Artura also hinted at his selection criteria for the Southampton match, joking that the goalkeeper would be “European, under 32, right‑footed and speaks at least two languages.” While David Raya started the Carabao Cup final, the Spaniard is expected to feature again in the FA Cup run.Regarding squad availability, Arteta confirmed that Declan Rice is operating at only 70% fitness, a condition that has persisted for some time, and noted that Piero Hincapié and Noni Madueke will miss the Southampton game. He left open the possibility that Martin Ødegaard and Jurrien Timber could feature.Addressing criticism over the number of international withdrawals, Artura said, “It’s part of the narrative, but we’ve dealt with similar situations before; we’ll see who is available tomorrow and adjust accordingly.”